Opinion
Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) In The Eye Of History
Published
3 years agoon
By
Tunji Olaopa
In the annals of contemporary Nigerian history, former head of state, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), played a most significant role. Indeed, the history of modern Nigeria will be incomplete without a gesture to how his acts of commission and omission contributed to the structuring of the Nigerian state and its political landscape. With some sense of accuracy, IBB was nicknamed the evil genius by the observant creativity of the vibrant Nigerian media. In Nigeria’s political history, IBB has become infamously synonymous with the annulment of the June 12, 1993 general election that was adjudged to have been won by MKO Abiola. And that annulment demonstrated how a single negative act could undermine the legacy of any pubic figure. However, and not to put too much of a spin on a bad act of political misjudgment, the June 12 saga aptly brought into bold relief the fact—a reiteration—that there certainly was no love lost among the different “warring” nationalities in Nigeria, and that Nigeria has not moved significantly away from being a “mere geographical expression.”
As IBB clocks 80, we are drawn, willy-nilly, into a reflection about a man who has done a lot to structure and restructure the Nigerian project in ways that generate both approval and opprobrium in equal measures. While so many of the existing structural additions to the Nigerian governance dynamics—the decrees that bought into existence many institutions, from NDLEA and Federal Road Safety Corps, community banks, ECOMOG, MAMSER/NOA to the national planning commission and many other educational structures—are due to the policy insights of his regime, the singular annulment of the June 12 presidential election became the single most damning incident that overwhelmed every other good that IBB facilitated. In a recent interview with Arise TV, IBB opened up on a series of issues concerning his role in the definition of where we are now as a country and how we can transcend the predicament in order to move forward into national greatness. But there is an aspect of that governance legacy that surprisingly was not touched upon. Let me open it up as a means by which I could make some points about the reform of Nigeria’s governance dynamics through the perspective of leadership and political will.
READ ALSO: Why I Annulled Presidential June 12 Election – Babangida
For the sake of full disclosure, I have a dog in this game. Unknown to many, it was IBB that enabled my first time and momentous entry into the federal civil service of Nigeria. With what I later learnt to be his uncanny capacity to fish out talents, IBB had been brought to notice me through my Op-Ed pieces in the newspaper in the late 1980s. This is a passion that I had developed and sustained from secondary school which had grown while I was trying to make sense of what career direction I needed to make. It was as if Providence was working through IBB to invite me to the Presidency as part of his speech writing and policy analysis team in January 1992. The rest, as we say, is history. This narrative does not however obviate some fundamental questions. Even in the face of IBB’s critical intervention in my career positioning, why must I risk the suspicion and aspersion that would certainly be cast on any celebratory effort to whitewash one of Nigeria’s most derided and enigmatic figures? And do I even qualify to engage the trajectory of IBB’s actions in the annals of Nigeria’s political unfolding? These are legitimate questions.
Since I had been there from the commencement of what the Nigerian press dubbed IBB’s deft political maneuvers, I have been given the retrospective opportunity as an insider to assess IBB the man and the politician. And I have never failed to be amazed at how both IBB and the Nigeria he supervised as military president missed significant opportunity to transform each other. The Arise interview convinces me again about the deep humanity of IBB as someone who not only understands the significance of social relations, but refuses to instrumentalize them. IBB knows how to sacrifice in ways that demonstrate his love for his friends. The late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade had such a story to tell about how IBB saved his life in 1988. I have such a story to tell too, and many dozens, if not hundreds or thousands, more. But this piece is not just about personal narratives.
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My concern here is motivated by my interest as a policy analyst, a development worker and a student of governance in Nigeria. I have reflected on how IBB’s place in Nigeria’s history could be bent towards a retrieval of some significant elements in governance excellence and policy professionalism. As an “accidental civil servant,” I was brought face to face not only with IBB’s loyalty to people, but also his status as a president with a huge governance credentials, as well as a high-end policy intelligence and technical capacity that enabled a technocratic-administrative space within which the Nigerian state could have transcended its own dysfunctions and live out its post-independence promises and potential. Of course, we all lament that failed opportunity now. So, for me, the issue is neither to praise or to blame IBB, to parody Shakespearean Cassius at the burial of Julius Caesar. While the evil that men do live after them, and the “evil” of IBB still hangs on his neck like an albatross, fundamental legacies should not be interred with their bones. And this is all the more significant with IBB and policy implications of his governance profile and dynamics.
This is my hypothesis: IBB’s administration consisted of the most technocratically competent assemblage of Nigerians in governance ever in Nigerian history. And if Nigeria had gone beyond his “sins” and bashing to incorporate his talent for talent hunting and mobilization for governance, Nigeria’s governance profile might have been transformed. Is there a way that the persona and the administration of IBB allows us to question how the Nigerian state has denigrated meritocracy, professionalism and even humaneness in the context of state and party politics to the extent that Nigeria’s political destiny has been sidelined? We are where we are now because it seems that the absence of a professional and technocratic space, the like created by IBB, has sent professionals and statesmen into a “siddon look” cynicism that paved the way for all sorts of opportunists, rent seekers, political buccaneers, and sycophants to invade the governance space in ways that decimate the capacity of any political elite to achieve genuine transformation.
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There is a dimension of IBB leadership style that took research-based, meritocratic policymaking dynamics to a level that would likely not be reinvented in the Nigerian policy space for a long time. IBB helps us to push to the fore the question of whether policy and policy analysis can be saved from politics. Policy science presents us with the problematic of how to juxtapose between the need for independent expertise and pressures for politicization of policy formulation in the service of democratic accountability and good governance. Given the orientation demanded by the evolution of policy analysis, there is the pervasive technicist notion that public policy problems are technical questions that are resolvable by technical-rationalism and the application of specialized policy intelligence and technical expertise in a dynamic that exclude political interference. Unfortunately, such an idea remains wishful thinking because public policy exists in the context of politics from which it is impossible to extricate. And it is right within this simultaneously constricting and enabling context that policy analysis must strive to achieve research intelligence and creativity.
Policymaking is the very essence of the government. It is the means by which the intention of government is communicated on how it wants to facilitate infrastructural development that will improve the welfare of the citizens. And that process is unabashedly competitive, with significant bargaining involved that demands prioritization and opportunity lost and gained. In other words, policy preferences of one group are maximized against others i.e. no one group or constituent can be made better off without others being made worse. Thus, some interests are inevitably more satisfied than others, and whoever is most satisfied depends on who has most political clout and lobbying capacity. This therefore implies that the government must be concerned with how the policymaking process can be properly outlined in line with the aspirations of the politicians. Policymakers as bureaucrats are not left out of this mix because policymaking itself is a value-laden context, and so technical-rationalism does not immune technical experts from value and political biases that could sway policy decisions one way rather than the other.
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So, what I consider the IBB legacy is a leadership template that allows us to bring to mind, and critically consider, the policy analysis challenge that demands that we find a relative balance between policy intelligence and political farsightedness that will allow the policy skills and competences that bureaucrats deploy in policy design and the motivation for politicians to pursue cogent governance agenda and objectives with the most minimum of crippling politicization. The tragedy of the IBB administration is that with all the bright minds at his disposal, politics in its darkest form eventually trumped policy analysis. The future of the Nigerian state is to find a means by which politicians will come to respect sound policy intelligence for the sake of Nigerians.
Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary & Professor of Public Administration /Public Policy, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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