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The Delicate Ethno-religious Road To 2023

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How We'll Pick Presidential Candidate To Support - Northern Elders

By Raymond Oise-Oghaede
As we eagerly await the flagoff of the electioneering preparatory to the all-important general elections of 2023, I have been following the unfolding events in the country’s political terrain with keen interest and observed that some happenings are gradually sliding us back to the days of old. Shortly after the elections and selections of presidential and vice presidential candidates respectively across all the parties, the political permutations and manipulations have assumed extremely tricky and fragile dimensions that are so delicate and capable of causing serious problems for our democracy, if not properly handled.

In the emerging dispensation, religion and ethnic considerations have once again taken the centre stage of politicking; and, people are treating them with levity as if it is a normal phenomenon. If the ignorance of the ordinary man on the street or the retinue of political jobbers to the dangers posed by this trend is overlooked and forgiven, the same cannot be the case for our experienced/well groomed politicians and the elites who ought to know better. In as much as this review is not in any way casting aspersions on anyone or group for not giving it a serious thought or shouting out, it would not hold back anything or fail to draw the attention of all well meaning and patriotic citizens to the dangers lurking in the corner.

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Whether it is good to hear or not, the fact remains that our politicians are gradually dragging us back to the era where religion and ethnicity tore us apart and greatly contributed to political instability in governance. At the early stages of the country’s democracy, political activities were largely beclouded by parochial sentiments based on ethno-religious considerations. Thus, it is not an exaggeration to state that one of the major achievements of President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s (IBB) administration was the elimination of the multi-party system of ethnicized politics by the adoption of a two party system with national spread and outlook. At that period, the creation of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) was the elusive and much-sought solution to the fragility of our then prevailing political hullabaloo. It was this “sophisticated masterpiece” by IBB that led to the freest and fairest election on 12th of June, 1993. Nigerians from all walks of life “jettisoned” the old practice and embraced the politics of national interest geared towards forging a “united” and “progressive” political order. Although, the outcome of that election was not eventually actualized, the basics became the foundation upon which the present FOURTH REPUBLIC was laid in 1999. To buttress this, the present administration declared June 12th of every year as Democracy Day and Public Holiday.

Today, it is utterly sad, disappointing, unfortunate and worrisome that the dangerous and calamitous tendencies of religion and ethnic politicking are gradually being reinvigorated. Though, the proponents of the current moves are hinging their actions on the necessity for ethno-religious balancing, the way and manner in which some of them are propagating it leave much to be desired. Rather than creating awareness and conducive atmosphere for the electorate on the activities lined up for the marketability or salability of their respective candidates when the electioneering eventually kicks off in earnest, they are busy confusing the masses the more and creating an atmosphere of mutual suspicion across the nooks and crannies of the country. Gradually, their acclaimed actions for national interest have started planting seeds of discord and cancerous wounds in the hearts of the citizenry.

As much as there is nothing bad for political and religious leaders, associations, institutions and other individuals to amicably agitate for inclusiveness or equity and fairness of representation in governance, doing so in way(s) that could send wrong signals to people of other ethno-religious affiliations is the most fretful aspect of the whole matter. Nigeria is a secular state where no particular religion is seen as the official religion. In furtherance to this, the subsisting 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) provides in Section 38(1) that “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of thought, conscience and religion”. In the same vein, there is no provision in the constitution or any known law where one ethnic nationality is seen as superior or inferior to the others. However, our people have so made the situation very complicated that we now see imaginary dichotomy based on ethnicity and religion. It is so worrisome that the country is presently engulfed in fiercely political wrangling on issues bordering on the geo-political region to produce the next president. There are also agitations for a Christian president and a total rejection of a Muslim-Muslim ticket that is generally believed and seen as having the coloration of an “Islamic Agenda”. As already stated earlier, there would not have been any problem with thiesr agitations and objections if they were backed by any law; but, there is none.

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The Constitution and the newly passed Electoral Act 2022 did not in anyway make provisions for religion and ethnic considerations in the election of political parties’ presidential candidates or selections of their running mates. The same is also applicable in the election processes of the chairmanship position of the parties. If the above is the “position of the law”, then, why do people always criminalize it whenever the process does not agree or favour their ethnic or religious affiliations? If what is presently in practice is flawed and undesirable, the best way to go about it is by constitutional means through the National Assembly. Alternatively, result could be achieved by a stopgap approach through discussions and negotiations to arriving at a win-in compromise; and, that is the beauty of modern politics. The use of threats, propaganda, force or other processes not known to the law can only compound and not resolve the problem(s). Ironically, the same people that are very quick to acknowledging and making references to our lofty achievements of June 12, 1993 (including those that were not born or have not attained the voting age then) are also the same people that are championing the crusades condemning and crying foul against the principles upon which that achievement became possible. This review will be neutral as much as possible; but, references will be made to some individuals and their political affiliations without prejudice to anyone or group.

One of the very delicate and trending issues of concern is the opinion held in some quarters about the purported ploy by the north to remain in power. This people are hinging their misgiving on the participation and eventual victory of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar in the presidential primaries of the PDP as a way of denying the south from producing the next president. Though, no one has been able to show us the section(s) of the Constitution or the Electoral Act that provides for “turn by turn” or zoning amongst the regions, they are of the firm belief that the presidential position should have been reserved/zoned for the south in 2023, in accordance to an “unknown and unwritten gentleman’s agreement” within the party. However, the fact that the said Atiku was able to garner the majority of the delegates’ votes (which cut across all the regions) at the presidential primaries which was also contested by candidates from the south, is an indication that he was the most preferred amongst the lot in spite of his northern origin. If that be the case, the issue of his ethnic background should not be held against him; unless, it could be proven that he forced the delegates to vote for him involuntarily or illegally and denied the south or other aspirants their right to be voted for or elected. Funny enough, it was this same Atiku that “stepped down” (from the second ballot during the SDP presidential primaries held at the Jos Township Stadium) to pave way for M.K.O. Abiola (a Southerner from the West) to emerge as the presidential candidate of the party and the eventual winner of the June 12, 1993 elections. Perhaps, the electoral achievement of June 12, 1993, that has come to be the cornerstone of our present democracy might not have been possible without that “strategic sacrifice” of stepping down by Atiku (I was not told; I was a live witness of what transpired at the venue). The question we should be asking is, “does he possess the experience and capacity to unify us and move the country forward”? So, the issue of his ethnic background should not be a major factor.

In another development, the Muslim–Muslim ticket of Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC has also been generating widespread furore. Those condemning it have not also been able to refer us to any section of our subsisting laws that frown on the same-faith pairing of candidates. The same people have suddenly forgotten that the electoral victory of June 12 1993 was also based on Muslim-Muslim pairing of Chief M.K.O Abiola and Ambassador Babagana Kingibe. So, why are they celebrating June 12 and seeing the present combination as an abomination? As we have mentioned earlier, Nigeria is a secular state with no singular official religion; and, if there would be anything like adoption of an official religion, the constitution must be amended to give legal backing to it; and, this can only be achieved through the National Assembly. Interestingly, the lawmakers are representatives of all the states from different religious backgrounds. Even in the present political dispensation, there are some states with Muslim-Muslim and Christian-Christian Governors and Deputy-Governors respectively; and, heaven has not come down. So, why are we bothering ourselves with nothingness? At this age and time, what we should be concerned about is the people that can move the country forward and not the religion they profess; and, that should also be the case if the pairing was a Christian-Christian or Others-Others.

Another delicate situation is the imbroglio surrounding the chairmanship position of Senator Iyorcha Ayu of the PDP as a result of the emergence of Alhaji Atiku (another notherner) as the party’s presidential candidate. The proponents of his sacking or resignation to give way for a southerner to take his place have not also been able to back their demands with any provisions of the law. They have suddenly forgotten that Ayu was constitutionally and lawfully elected into office before the presidential primaries was conducted. The two positions are products of separate processes backed by the law; and, if there is anything that must be done to undo the present status or position; that process must also be recognized and backed by the law. If anything is done arbitrary to undo what the law has put in place; such would become illegal and that would not stand in the face of the law. It does not matter whether Ayu had earlier “promised to resign” or not; or whether Atiku gave his words that “Ayu must go” or not; those words/statements cannot be made sacrosanct when they come pari passu with the law. Ayu definitely knows his right on the matter: and, may want to defend it to the letter; because, it is backed by the law. Therefore, all the name-calling and exchange of hot words will not lead to an amicable resolution of the issue. If there is going to be any headway; such must be through moral suasion which must be guided by mutual understanding and co-operation. Nothing is impossible in politics; because, it is a field where you disagree to agree. Presently in the ruling party, the sitting president and the chairman are also from the north; and, they are still forging ahead as a national party. Interestingly, the chairmanship positions of both the APC and PDP were hitherto held by Southerners (Adams Oshiomhole and Uche Secondus respectively) before their kinsmen and party members orchestrated their removal.

Another very delicate issue is the rumours going round that the northern politicians in APC strategically opted for Shittima as the vice presidential candidate to Tinubu for ulterior motives. By now, one would have expected the leadership of the party and the candidates to have dispelled such damaging and dangerous rumours; but, their long silence on the issue is also a problem in itself.

In another but related development, the supporters of the emerging third force(s) from the other political parties such as that of the Labour Party (Peter Obi) should also be cautious in the way and manner they carry out their activities so that they will not give people the impression that their movement is all about the talks in some quarters that it is the turn of the south-east or Christian to produce the next president. All the rancorous media buzzing, showman-visitations to worship venues, declarations by some highly placed individuals and religious leaders should be tactfully guided in order not to be seen as tacitly drawing battle line along ethno-religious divides. Some actions could be misinterpreted or misplaced to the extent that such would inadvertently result in the loss of genuine love and support of those who would invariably see their religion or ethnic affiliations as the targets of abuse. Winning a presidential election under the present democratic setup is a function of the majority votes and obtaining 25% of the valid votes in at least 24 states. The spread is key; and, no one ethnic or religion can do it in isolation.

At this junction, it is very important to state it equivocally, that this review is without prejudice to the individuals and parties mentioned and not mentioned therein. The instances shared above are the delicate and crucial areas that need to be addressed urgently to forestall imminent dangers for our democracy in the road to 2023. The ongoing political maneuverings and movements are gradually giving the impression of a “gang-up” of the south against the north and vice versa; and, if the situation continues unabated, it is capable of leading us back to the era of the north/south dichotomy. If that be the case, the ethno-religious affiliations of the vice presidential candidates of the major parties will count for less or nothing; because, there will be mass decamping and antiparty activities across the political platforms based on the ethno-religious affiliations of the presidential candidates; and, this will be detrimental to our democracy as the electorate will have no other option than to vote along the lines of the three major geopolitical divides of north, west and the east as it were in the days of old. At the end of the day, the desperately sought equity and justice will further be flushed down the drain; because, you cannot build something on nothing. Everything must have to be done in accordance to the law.

From the foregoing, the earlier those concerned see the dangers ahead and put things in place to averting them, the better it will be for all and sundry.

A word is enough for the wise.

 

Oise-Oghaede writes in from Suru-lere, Lagos; and, he can be reached via raymondoise@yahoo.com

 

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Opinion

Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.

The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.

One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?

Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.

That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.

As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.

For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.

Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.

Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.

This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.

Igwe, PhD,  was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.

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Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.

Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.

Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.

Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.

Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Lead City @20: The Past And The Present

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

Our university is now an adult at 20!

About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.

At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.

Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.

In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.

Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.

These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.

Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.

A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.

To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.

Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.

The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.

However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.

The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.

At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.

As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.

Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.

Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.

For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.

. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.

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