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Odia Ofeimun’s 2021 Awo Memorial Lecture In Perspective

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Funding Public Education In Nigeria: Towards An Alternative Financing Model

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Tunji Olaopa

Just recently, the Obafemi Awolowo Foundation Lecture, the 2021 edition, was held. And the lecture was delivered by no other person than Odia Ofeimun. In the effort to determine those Nigerians who are unrepentantly patriotic and would go to any length to seek the redemption of the Nigerian state and her project of national integration, Ofeimun’s nationalist credentials have never been in doubt. And he is not just anyone who has achieved his deep knowledge of the Nigerian state and her independence trajectory through some random public commentaries. He has been involved from a defining stage of Nigeria’s development unfolding, and continues to seek the means by which he could pragmatize his ardent belief about turning Nigeria onto the right path of nationhood. In 2016, Odia Ofeimun sought, unsuccessfully, to win the gubernatorial ticket for the office of the governor of Edo State. That is how far he believed in fighting for the soul of Nigeria.

Outside of politics, Mr. Ofeimun is a polemicist. He will jump readily into any disquisition about the problems and the possibility of the Nigerian state. For him, national possibility has nothing to do with current problematics. In other words, confronting Nigeria’s past and current circumstances could only be a means of achieving a better understanding of what we need to urgently do to redirect the ship of state that has been floundering for a long time. Odia Ofeimun is worth listening to because of his long-standing credentials. And this is all the more because he began his political tutelage under the wings of the sage himself—Chief Obafemi Awolowo. If there are still very few disciples of Awolowo that have remained as ideologically and politically untiring in championing the core values of the sage, Odia Ofeimun is eminently one out of three. He was side by side with Chief Awolowo through the latter’s political sojourn through the post-war years and the efforts to rethink Nigeria.

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No one is therefore more suitable to deliver the Awolowo Foundation Lecture at a time when the Nigerian state is facing its direst circumstances. And no topic is even more apt than the question chosen by Ofeimun: “Whither Nigeria?” This is a question that not only probes into the collective wonderment of Nigerians, but also seeks to stimulate an even profound understanding of where the ship of state is headed. It is also a fundamental question that seeks to lay the foundation of what is wrong with the floundering ship. This is important to the extent that understanding a problem is a critical key to factoring its (re)solution. Nigeria is tangled in multiple complexities and contradictions that could confuse the most perceptive of politicians, political scientists and political theorists. However, Ofeimun is one political observer that has achieved perspicacity, with a very healthy dose of optimism. Indeed, at the Awolowo Foundation Lecture, Ofeimun posits that the question—wither Nigeria? — “is some way of visualizing a country ahead of us that is eminently saveable in spite of the change that has not taken place.”

Saving or salvaging Nigeria has become, for many eminent patriots, a rather exhausting endeavor. I have made the point before, in several commentaries, that Nigeria is a tough place to love, even for those who are heroic in their patriotism. From her founding, the Nigerian state has produced several heroes and heroines—too many to mention—who had invested and still are consistently investing in the redemption of the Nigerian project. However, Nigeria has not been lenient with her heroes and heroines. Indeed, and in most cases, the Nigerian state hounds and harasses them until they are lost to exile or even death. And then we roll out the drums to celebrate their heroism, while demeaning their national capital and contributions in the process. And no longer many have made the pragmatic decision to “siddon look,” to borrow the phrase of the former attorney general of the federation, the late Chief Bola Ige who, most unfortunately, also lost his life to the Nigerian condition.

But Odia Ofeimun would not be silenced. Nigeria, for him, is worth saving. And that salvation is worth discoursing, as he did at the Awolowo Foundation lecture. And the starting point of that discourse on this occasion is a clear and present danger, the problem of insecurity. The critical state of insecurity that presently envelopes Nigeria and threatens over sixty years of independence and attempts at nationhood. And that insecurity is made worse by seeming helplessness—at the various levels of governance—to mobilize state capability to secure Nigeria. For Ofeimun therefore, all is not well with Nigeria. The centre is barely any longer holding to borrow this term from the famous aphorism by Chinua Achebe. For Ofeimun, part of the current situation is that the centre and the peripheries have now locked horns in a titanic battle resulting arguably, from (a) the unwillingness of the centre to take a firm stand on the insecurity in the state, and (b) the readiness of the state governors to forcefully do something to protect their citizens, even when the Constitution limits their efforts.

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One good thing about the discourse on the Nigerian condition is that it has arrived at a specific point of clarity where the issues at stake are poignantly in bold relief. And Odia Ofeimun did not only come to these clear elements of the Nigerian predicament with a characteristic perceptiveness; he also brought along the weighty arsenal of a clear ideological apparatuses bequeathed by the social and political philosophy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

The analysis of Ofeimun’s lecture throws up the diagnosis that Nigeria’s problem is essentially ideational and ideological. And this affects the states of the critical elements of the Nigerian condition. As is usual, let us start with leadership. From Chinua Achebe’s foundational diagnosis, the leadership problem in Nigeria has been iterated to a depth of significant analyses, though many seem to be confusing the import of the “strong man” vs “strong institutions” leadership theory assumptions. Forgetting that strong institutions are invariably built by strong men who don’t have to come in the mold of heroes and giants, the sense in which “leaderless revolution cum leaders without titles” have become veritable perspectives in critical national transformation journeys. Leadership is fundamentally about critical ideation.

A leader’s first responsibility is to visualize reality, and then to impose an ideational and ideological framework on that reality. This was essentially what Obafemi Awolowo did with the old western region. The ideology of democratic socialism birthed the infrastructural wonders that distinguished the region from others on the continent. But we have been waiting in vain for such an ideational process with successive Nigerian governments. The insecurity conundrum has become all the more menacing because of the perception of government complicity that has arrested every effort at nipping the danger in the bud.

The political process that puts leaders in place is mightily flawed. Ofeimun astutely points at what he calls “a flat ideological landscape” across the political parties “which is easiest explained by the fact that they are mutually interchangeable, outside, and even within ethnic differences.” In this regard, Awolowo’s Action Group and the Unity Party of Nigeria were the critical exceptions in the First Republic. The ideological leaning of any political party explains the nature of the vision it wants to impose on Nigeria’s postcolonial reality and predicament. Without such an ideological template, leadership could only flounder in interpreting what is to be done. And further, a political culture has mushroomed that permits an unscrupulous politicking that impoverishes the citizenry. If the political parties lack critical internal values, in what ways then will they be able to stimulate the moral rebirth required by a country like Nigeria?

Leadership is not only the fulcrum for a viable institutional framework and dynamics, leadership successes are also crippled by the very lack of strong institutional initiatives that leaders fail to put in place. The state of our insecurity has become what it is due to the glaring absence of significant political will and shared passion in the ruling class to set in motion the legislative machinery to activate constitutional provisions that will generate institutional strength to resolve it. The issue of state policing has been bandied about so much that we all seem to have come to the conclusion that Nigeria is not serious about policing the boundaries and flashpoints of her plural and postcolonial complexities. And yet we wonder why the security challenges keep metamorphosing dangerously. We wonder why the youth population has become a cannon fodder to feed the murderous impulses of unconscionable politicians and radicalized clerics.

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The alarming out-of-school rates in Nigeria speak to the laxity with which successive Nigerian governments have pursued a viable educational philosophy that would get children out of the street and into schools where they can be molded into critical citizens. Education is a veritable consequence of a firm ideational process, and a prominent tool for oiling it. Ofeimun signaled the sad policy zigzagging that saw, for instance, President Yar’Adua jumpstarting an educational policy that will take educational backwardness in Northern Nigerian seriously. Nigeria indeed recognizes the significance of a viable educational philosophy in national development. However, as the policy trajectory over the last three decades demonstrates, policy actions speak louder than philosophy.

Mae Jemison, the American engineer and physician, once wrote, “I like to think of ideas as potential energy. They’re really wonderful, but nothing will happen until we risk putting them into action.” And nothing has really been happening that could be called national integration and national development in Nigeria because the energetic ideas that are required to actively jumpstart these processes have not been activated. We keep refocusing on the same old ideas rather than energizing new ones that have the potential for transforming our collective situation. The choice is clear now. As Odia Ofeimun puts it graphically: we either remain in our sustained state of perpetual transitions, arrested development or restructure. It is as simple as that, if we must save Nigeria.

Prof. Tunji Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary & Directing Staff, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos tolaopa2003@gmail.com
tolaopa@isgpp.com.ng

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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