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We Must Decolonize African Legal Systems

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Professor Ademola Dasylva At 70: A Labourer In The Vineyard

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Toyin Falola

It gives me great pleasure to be here again at the University of South Africa (UNISA), one place I can solidly vouch for when it comes to upholding excellence and striving to advance the cause of Africanism. If other leading universities are consistent about their concerns, that is if they have any, especially about decoloniality or its variant in the academia and other facets of African life, then the pace of development might be faster.

Interestingly, I have two books already in production on “Decolonizing African Studies.” The first focuses on “Epistemologies, Agencies, and Voices,” and the second one explores “Ontologies and Methodologies.” In both, I exhaustively launch a full-scale decolonizing war, focusing on the vast means and aspects of African studies. While I will be talking about something similar, this is in no way related to the contents of my books, which focus on methods and practices. Here, join me in examining the Africanization of law and legal practice, which you should understand better the “why” and “how” it should be tackled. This is one area that is not being discussed enough in academia, and I am guilty of this too. However, with this opportunity at UNISA, the hitherto existing silence or inadequate discussion on decolonizing law and legal studies has ended. It is indeed very paramount to our existence, practices, and activities as a people.

Over the years, probably over 40 years now, I have devoted my life to the study and pursuit of decolonizing Africa, African history, African studies, African epistemology, African methodologies, and the list goes on. Perhaps sparingly in the past, but the subject matter of decolonizing the epistemology of law and legal studies is one I have not given enough consideration to. As a matter of fact, in the consortium of decolonial scholars, law and legal studies is one that has not been explored enough within the discourse of decoloniality and decolonization. When I got the invite from the University of South Africa, I assumed it was business as usual until I was informed it would be a congregation of “learned colleagues” of the bar. At this point, I had two options. But rather than still preach the usual using an alternative perspective, I realized there is a semi-lacuna in the examination of the impact of colonialism on the legal system in Africa, hence, the subject matter of the colloquium. I discussed a few things, some of which are stated below.

Across every sphere of Africans’ existence, there is an undeniable impact of colonialism in politics, economy, postcolonial sociocultural evolution, geopolitical configurations, religious dichotomy, and even more in the academy. Thus, there is might be little reason to delve into that anymore. What has been and should be a major concern is that decades after the colonial masters have left many parts of the continent and African countries have gained their independence, there is still every sense of Eurocentric influence widely present in many parts of Africa, especially in places where critical training or decisions are made about the growth and development of the continent.

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The argument further is that due to this established Eurocentric influence, the African system and epistemology have been subdued. As a result, there is little room given for genuine growth and development of the continent. What has been happening is at best described as a vigorous run in circles by Africans in a bid to develop the continent, only to end up wholly adopting the colonial epistemology or subjecting issues in Africa to the validation of Eurocentric views before they are even considered to be achieved by African working systems, which themselves have been patched to tilt in favor of Eurocentric views. Similarly, the same can be said for the practice of law and the legal system. However, while there have been continuous and repeated calls for decolonization, very few have been channeled towards law in Africa. Hence, a need to examine it this time.

Generally, early writings, particularly from Eurocentric scholars, have continued to paint the narrative of legal practice in Africa only at the point of the coming of the Europeans to Africa. Many of the existing accounts focus on what happened from the point of the colonizers’ arrival, while ignoring all accounts of the legal structure of the people of Africa before this widely reported arrival. Although that implies that Africa’s “worthwhile” or “relevant” legal history only started with the arrival of the colonists, there are sundry historical facts to assert that several parts of Africa had a legal structure that controlled the actions and regulated people’s relationships before the colonial masters.

For instance, in South Africa, there were the first inhabitants who were known as First Nations. These inhabitants had an African legal system that played a critical role in their existence and development. Through this, they were able to mete out punishments to offenders, control the actions of inhabitants and, more importantly, maintain law and order within their society. Even though they lived in kinship societies and applied indigenous or unwritten customary laws, they could achieve what a decent society should look like according to their African epistemology. These actions of the first inhabitants developed and reshaped indigenous laws that were applicable at that time. Today, although gradually, those indigenous laws are an important part of the sources of South African laws.

The same can be said of Nigeria. In pre-colonial Yorubaland, a functional and fair judicial system had no input from Western civilization but was similar to the modern concept of fair justice. While the Alaafin (king) sat as the chief judge on serious matters, there was a council with chiefs–the Balogun, Basorun, Iyalode, Asipa, diviner (in related cases), and others–who deliberate with the king on the best punishment to mete out when the accused is found guilty. Fairness, although not popularly pronounced, was a common practice then. As such, when there is a verifiable offence, palace guards were often sent to investigate an accuser’s claims, while witnesses were also entertained. Justice was hardly ever delayed. Denied? Maybe, just as it is now. Thus, Africa’s concept or belief lacked a judicial system, sense of justice, or legal system, among other things. It reeks of ignorance and deliberate mischief to continue to paint Africa as bad and justify their proven-to-be-fabricated narrative of civilizing missions.

However, upon arrival, the Europeans discarded African indigenous practices in favor of theirs, solely to use what works best for them at the expense of what works well for the African countries in which they were imposed, starting with the learning process of becoming a lawyer. The syllabus of teaching, mode of training, and ways of practice were all heavily rigged to ensure the practice of Western appropriateness rather than African relatedness, all at the detriment of African customary laws. Indeed, one could succinctly posit that legal studies are more wrought of Eurocentric views than many other disciplines. This is not farfetched; the body of law that holds force in African countries today is sourced from what is generally known as the Roman-Dutch Common Law. It also has the influence of English and French Common Law, establishing a strong, principled legal framework. For instance, Latin is one of the courses that law students take preceding their qualification. What Latin has to do with the African way of life is yet to be understood. What new epistemology will learning this course add to the general knowledge of law from an African perspective? What will it subtract if it does not add to it? Succinctly, why are deeper words not quoted in African indigenous languages and used in learning and practice?

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There is no gainsaying that Western legal practices have been antithetical to the legal, peacemaking, cultural, and even economies of African countries, the latter through the instrumentality of international law and finances that exploit the existing Western legal framework in African countries to keep them subservient to Eurocentric dictates. We cannot keep talking about the problems alone or spend our entire time discussing what I do not even consider is being discussed or examined enough. However, development is brought about by posing and implementing feasible solutions.

Decolonizing law, legal studies, and practices is no mean feat, and for a start, the importance of legal history should be taught to understand where we come from as Africans and where we are headed. Law students should be educated about African legal jurisprudence as much as they are taught about the influence of western laws on our legal system. Legal education should include living customary laws to revive those laws and create African consciousness about them. Furthermore, the curriculum of legal education must be relative and relevant to students in Africa. Lawyers and prospective judges should be trained to deal with the dominant common-law systems of African countries and living customary laws. It is also important to ascertain customary laws, especially the rules within a judicial decision-making context. Manipulation and distortion of living customary laws must also be addressed, particularly in power relations among different parts of the community living under customary laws. Also to be tackled are the endurance and social legitimacy of living customary laws, as well as the challenge of the universal application of human rights in relation to cultural rights.

When the above is implemented, some of the resultant effects will be that law students and lawyers alike can comprehend the significance and complexity of law within African constitutional frameworks. Future lawyers and judges will have the opportunity to understand important aspects of customary laws, including conceptualization, broad methodology, and the development of customary laws as a system within African constitutional frameworks. If future lawyers and judges are not given appropriate legal training about living customary laws, they will not have the right lens through which they can view these laws in their own right and not from the perspective of other legal systems. To decolonize customary laws, ensure their preservation, and prevent their extinction, they must be taught in the law curriculum.

As you must agree, there is a lot to examine within the concept of decolonizing law and legal studies. While I favor policy-makers taking more interest in reexamining this and tilting towards developmental change, African academics should start giving it more attention as well.

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin. This article is made up of excerpts from a lecture delivered by Prof. Falola to the College of Law’s Centre for Indigenous Knowledge, University of South Africa on May 6, 2021.

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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