Opinion
Women’s Representation In Nigerian Politics: Challenges And Solutions
Published
4 years agoon

By
Toyin Falola
Nigeria’s political system has been considered static due to the way it locks women out of the equation. From this, it is clear that the Nigerian political space and democratic system lacks an understanding of the most common definition of democracy by Abraham Lincoln: “Democracy is the government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” The Nigerian democratic system has abused this definition by making it patriarchy-centered, which is to the detriment of women. It also defeats the notion of the term being for “the people” because certain groups, youths and women more noticeably, are being marginalized from the political helms of leadership.
Understanding the intricacies of this unhealthy “democratic” Nigeria, the women spoke during the Toyin Falola Interviews on women’s participation in Nigerian politics and the undermining factors that have hindered women from taking active leadership roles in the country. The interview was focused on the health of Nigerian democracy from the Fourth Republic in 1999, the various reforms needed in the system, and the possibility of establishing a platform for a sustainable Nigerian society.
In the Toyin Falola Interviews session held on July 11, 2021, three vibrant scholars/panelists were actively involved and gracious to share their knowledge with us. The first panelist was Ayisha Osori, a Nigerian lawyer who has advocated for good governance, gender equality, women’s economic and political participation, and the elimination of violence against women. She is currently the executive director at Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) and the author of many books. Her most recent books include Love Does Not Win Elections, Too Good to Die, Third Term, and The Myth of the Indispensable Man in Africa. She contested for a seat at the National Assembly in 2014 under the People’s Democratic Party but lost the election. Love Does Not Win Elections is a memoir about her election experiences and Nigerian politics in general.

Photo: Dr. Ayisha Osori
Ms. Nseabasi Ufot, a trained lawyer and the second panelist on the TF Interviews, was named one of “Time’s 100 Next” in 2021, after being nominated by Ai-jen Poo, an American labor activist. Her numerous accomplishments include serving as an assistant executive director of the Canadian Association of University Teachers and as the senior lobbyist and government relations officer for the American Association of University Professors. Ufot is the CEO of the New Georgia Project, a non-profit organization founded in 2013 by Stacey Abrams as a legal action group and to offer voting assistance during elections. Ufot is a labor rights lobbyist and advocate, and her administrative abilities and competence contributed to the success of Georgia’s 2020 presidential election and 2021 run-off elections.
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Photo: Nse Ufot
The third speaker was Dr. Chiedo Nwankwor, a Senior Fellow at the SAIS Foreign Policy Institute and a lecturer at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) African Studies Program. Dr. Nwankwor’s work has been published in the Social Politics Journal and Democracy in Africa. She has co-edited a book about the Nigerian National Assembly and contributed to numerous book chapters such as “Transformations and Continuities: Women’s Political Participation in Nigeria” and “Women’s Struggle for Independence.” Her research focus includes gender justice, the relevance of identity in African politics, women’s participation in politics and leadership, and economic growth in Africa.

Photo: Dr. Chiedo Nwankwor
Ms. Ireti Bakare-Yusuf, an online personality with about 30 years of experience as a TV broadcaster, moderated the session. She is a Principal Partner at Nottinghill Media, and committed to the promotion and empowerment of women. Bakare-Yusuf promotes women’s emancipation and empowerment, and has given her voice to the movement against sexual and gender-based violence in Nigeria. Significantly, through her creativity as a moviemaker, she has made contributions to the second largest film industry in the world (Nollywood). She is the creator of #NoMore, a mobile application that university students can download on their devices to report issues of rape or sexual assaults.

Ireti Bakare
Women Speak on Challenges of Active Participation in Nigerian Politics
Enunciating the subject of concern, it becomes instructive to note that women’s engagement is a difficult issue in Nigerian politics. Nigerian politics has always been male-dominated, making women politically invisible. As a result, numerous attempts to instill skills and knowledge that will aid women’s active participation in politics have increased. This was the central aspect in the Toyin Falola Interviews, which was scheduled to promote and strengthen women’s political engagement in Nigeria and provide a platform for women to speak. Though, as all the panelists opined, women have always been speaking and the main question is “has anyone been listening?”
If given the opportunity to participate in politics, women are believed to do better than males. However, gender inequality in political representation is an attempt to diminish women’s fundamental rights. Despite the efforts of government and non-governmental organizations, and particularly in response to the declaration made during the 4th World Conference on Women in Beijing, which called for 35 percent affirmative action to increase women’s participation in politics, women have remained politically marginalized. According to Ayisha Osori, fewer than 15 percent of political aspirants and candidates in Nigeria are women. Using herself as an example, when she contested for a seat in the House of Assembly in 2014, she noted that women are often discouraged from running for office due to the ordeals and challenges associated with the political party system. By her description, the party system favors men over women, and in cases where women attempt to run for office, they are faced with monumental cultural and financial challenges. As a result of the latter, the few women who make it to the top might be forced to abandon their transformative agenda.
Since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in Nigeria, women have faced the challenge of proper representation and active participation in politics. In this regard, Ireti Bakare-Yusuf’s first question for the panelists was if anything has changed since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, and this elicited an intense response from the panelists. However, this question was of utmost relevance as understanding the past, and especially the present, will help provide a forecast of the future. In response, Dr. Osori emphasized the need to begin from the discussion about Nigeria’s democracy, which was termed “unhealthy” by the three panelists.
This assumption was made in light of women’s low participation in Nigerian politics and on the basis that, according to Ayisha Osori, the political terrain is getting more hostile, not just for women but also for every individual who is not part of the current political class. For instance, Nigeria has never had any female president or governor due to a partial political structure.
Similarly, Dr. Chiedo Nwankwor described the Nigerian democratic system as being in an Intensive Care Unit. She further noted that, in theory, democracy is supposed to directly affect governance and development in the sense that it is expected to provide long-term sustainability and upward mobility for the people. However, Nigerian democracy has flouted all the rules of fair and equal participation, making the Nigerian political system more difficult.
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Another angle to consider in the challenges of women’s participation is culture as a tool for female marginalization. During the Interview, culture was extensively discussed, and Dr. Nwankwor stressed the need to create a gender-competitive society that involves creating laws that speak to cultural and normative changes. Nigerian cultures view women as weak in terms of social struggle, forcing them to take a backseat to men in politics and other areas of life. A lot of cultural traditions still exist that restrict women from participating in politics. The biological explanation for women’s poor political engagement promotes the sexual ideology that underpins and emphasizes men’s social domination over women. Institutions such as child marriage and purdah are hurdles to adult females exercising their basic constitutional rights.
An additional issue that came to the fore of discussion and contemplation is finance. Indivim.dual political participation is influenced by socioeconomic status. People in high socioeconomic positions, such as those with a high level of education and income, are more likely to adopt psychological orientations that promote their involvement in politics. Hence, considering that Nigeria is one of the world’s thirty most unequal countries in terms of income distribution, a particular set of political elites keeps determining those in power. These significant differences in income distribution affect women’s participation in politics. From this, all the panelists at the interview agreed on the fact that the Nigerian electoral system is expensive and contributes to the low involvement of women as candidates at elections. They denote that women’s networks are often not so expansive; therefore, men tend to have more funding advantages than women.
Nseabasi Ufot confirmed that funding and finance keep women out of politics, and it is one of the factors that need to be trashed if there is ever going to be a possibility of women running for top political positions in the nearest future. In light of this, she advised women to tap from the resources of the post-Beijing Conference initiatives in funding their political aspirations. She also recommended that donors be encouraged to donate money to specific female candidates as this has been found to be more effective in certain places than general fundraising done on party platforms.
SOLUTIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE GENDER REPRESENTATION
Although women’s political participation in both elected and appointive capacities has increased somewhat since the 1995 Beijing Conference and the restoration of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, it is important to note that women continue to be underrepresented, disenfranchised, and discriminated against in Nigeria’s political sphere. Women continue to speak, but the question of who is listening remains unanswered. Also, identifying the challenges women face in the patriarchal society is one thing, providing a possible solution to the marginalization of women is another. During the Toyin Falola Interviews, it was revealed that despite the difficulties women face, women’s activism, advocacy, education, empowerment, and women’s desire to participate in politics are all receiving high levels of positive energy.
In light of this, all the panelists agree that to overcome women’s marginalization and encourage their active representation in Nigerian politics, feminists have to engage in strategic planning such as:
Advocating for a change of the Nigerian constitution to one that discourages patriarchy
Employment and usage of the entertainment industry as soft power
Strategic litigation
Social media mobilization
A Nigerian women trust fund
Cross mobilization and coalition building among civil society and women’s groups.
READ ALSO: Do Black Lives Really Matter?
These listed plans were discussed by the panelists as means to achieving equality and creating a level playing field for women’s participation in politics. Articulating these points, Osori called for a thorough review of the 1999 Nigerian constitution, where elements of women marginalization are still entrenched.
More so, Nseabasi Ufot supported the use of soft power when solutions to the challenges of women’s participation in Nigerian politics are discussed. Soft power, formed by Joseph Nye, is the ability to entice and co-opt others rather than coerce (hard power). In this vein, she encourages the portrayal of the change we want in Nigerian politics to be evident in Nollywood films. With this, Nollywood, just like Hollywood, Ms. Ufot noted, would be a representation of society. Understanding Nollywood can help change cultural perspectives, as seen in Tunde Kelani’s Arugba, an iconic representation of the Osun Osogbo festival. This film not only represents that culture, but it also brought to the limelight the representation of feminine prowess and impact on the stability in the land. Soft power becomes a vital channel to be employed if feminists intend to curb and change the pattern of the narrative of the patriarchal society that continues to portray women as belonging only in the kitchen and the “other room.”
In addition, Ufot and Osori considered strategic litigation as another option for resolving society’s ills. Overall, legal action was recommended in obvious cases of marginalization. However, Osori went further to express that in discussing legal actions, there must be a need to investigate the laws of the society that have themselves been embedded in cultural imbalance.
In conclusion, women have been speaking and would keep speaking up until the right ears listen to their feminist cries. Media communication, a women’s trust fund, and cross mobilization and coalition building were other recommended solutions provided by the panelists to end the marginalization of women in this patriarchally defined society. More important of these three is finance, which undermines the female right to participate in expensive elections. Ayisha Osori’s book narrates how difficult it was for her to raise funds for her participation in an election. Thus, effective mobilization, coalition, and movement, backed up by adequate financial power can change the narrative towards power contestation and active involvement of women in Nigerian politics.
(This is the second and final report on the interview on “Political Reforms Nigeria Needs—The Women Speak” on July 11 2021) For its entire recording, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wbkjm59oRdw&t=6s
https://facebook.com/tfinterviews/posts/290414189535186)
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Opinion
Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa
Published
22 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.
The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.
One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?
Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.
That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.
As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.
For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.
Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.
Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.
This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.
Igwe, PhD, was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.
Opinion
Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks
Published
23 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.
Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.
Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.
Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

By Toyin Falola
Our university is now an adult at 20!
About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.
At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.
Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.
In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.
Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.
These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.
Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.
A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.
To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.
Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.
The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.
However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.
The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.
At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.
As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.
Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.
Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.
For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.
. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.
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