Opinion
The Nigerian Condition: The Way Out (4)
Published
3 years agoon
By
Toyin Falola
It has been a century now since Nigeria’s amalgamation, and in that period, the country has never run short of problematic matters. Contemporary Nigeria faces a looming crisis of dissatisfaction amongst the populace. People demand a break, and if that cannot be had, a break-off–think separatist movements across geopolitical zones. Alternatively, though, there are pathways out of the pressing dynamic. To utilize them, it is necessary to explore the likely benefits and potential pitfalls; otherwise, we would be leading ourselves on a blind man’s trip.
As explored in the third instalment, restructuring, fiscal federalism, and secession are words that have been thrown about in the quest to get out of the Nigerian condition. However, these moves have either failed to sail or did not work when attempted. Therefore, it is reasonable that we look into the pros and cons of each move to understand why attempting them would not get us out of the Nigerian condition.
Restructuring
Restructuring arose out of the agitation for ethnic recognition. Since regional parts amalgamated in the one hundred-odd years, minority groups have been lumped with their extra-large siblings. Ironically, these siblings also feel subdued by a north that is even more overwhelming. The clamour for administrative equity revolves around the unfair allocation of resources, centralized power, absence of representation, and a host of other challenges. Resource-wise, the country operates a system that is bitingly known as “feeding-bottle federalism.” The centre wields resources and financial proceeds, which it distributes in bits and drops to federating units. Foremost among the radical challengers of the current structure are the Indigenous People of Biafra led by Nnamdi Kanu and whose domain is the southeast, then the Yoruba nation activist, Sunday Igboho. To make these concerns even worse, clashes between farmers and herders have demonstrated a nepotistic attitude to handling crises from the centre.
PROPOSED MODELS OF RESTRUCTURING
Regionalism
Advocates for a reconstitution of the country along regional lines demand the tripartite subnational structure of the First Republic. They view restructuring as the reallocation of powers from the central government to regional governments within the country. Kingsley Moghalu, a proponent of this school, stated in a keynote address at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, in 2018 that his idea of restructuring retained the six geopolitical zones. For him, the states would no longer exist but will function instead as provinces within the zones. A regional model shifts the bulk of the responsibility from an over-endowed seat in Abuja to half a dozen units across the country. The regions will control their resources and bear the developmental burden using the proceeds. They will also furnish the central coffers with a fraction of these proceeds. Hence, the prevalent state of marginalization is dropped, and people can finally manage their economies.
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition: Paths Out For The Nation (3)
However, the problem with this lies in a historical record of failure. It also negates the essential value of recognition that the present structure allows. In the past, regional administrations were known to focus solely on their seats of power. Development occurred mainly in political centres such as Ibadan, Kaduna, and Lagos, excluding large swathes of the regions. Therefore, the question is, if the system that should foster intraregional development once failed in doing so, why should it be implemented again? Also, subsuming states into regions leaves out the fundamental reason for creating those states in the first place. It contradicts the idea of representation which birthed the whole issue of restructuring. In places where states with a voting population no longer exist, and the administrators of those provinces are chosen, not elected, there is the possibility that minorities who once had a modest recognition will melt into the supervening idea of a region. As a result, we may achieve something that still falls short of our desires. This leads us to the second model of restructuring.
Devolution
Devolution involves power-sharing, or, essentially, shifting model. The federal government surrenders specific responsibilities that it previously held to the states. This is achieved through statutory means. Devolution brings governance to the people at the grassroots levels. It promotes engagement between the ruling class and the ruled. Also, there is better access to the benefits of a government than a system where the leadership exists only on screen. On paper, devolution creates room for states to control resources and manage these resources to develop localities because it cedes power. However, the question of capabilities still presides. Even with a steady stream of federal income in the past, some state administrations have been known for poor management practices. This connotes that while the structure itself may change, the management techniques remain the same. Thus, the problem continues in federating units.
State Police
The Nigerian security structure is essentially a federal-driven one. Internal security lies within the precincts of federal administrators, and external forces mainly handle concerns within states. In recent years, the national military has acquired more police responsibilities. Codenames like Operation Crocodile Smile, Python Dance, Hadarin Daji, Harbin Kunama, and a seemingly endless tally of others now occupy the mainstream. Even non-combatant departments like the fire service are controlled by the federal government, depriving states of power over minor issues. This creates a delay in administering the security apparatus and, in many cases, a deterioration before an adequate response is received. For needs such as logistics and funding for the police and sister departments to be met, a long wait must first be endured.
In the context of restructuring, therefore, the creation of state-owned police formations is crucial. Under this model, Nigerian states similarly administer their security to what obtains in the United States. The state police structure does not give inalienable powers to the state but provides exceptional instances where the federal government may interfere in internal security. All of these are provided under statutory dictates; yet, there is a likely problem. Governments in Nigeria are not precisely famous for administrative sanctity. The potential for the abuse of police powers remains an ever-present threat, and this is a kink in the whole arena.
Known and Unknown Concept of Restructuring
The binding nature of restructuring means that its perception in the minds of the average citizen is something to consider. While it is natural that there are different ideas, a genuine understanding of what it means must be examined. For many, it is another trendy word that is used loosely. For others, although a limited few, it must be taken with caution. The diverse spread of understanding creates a need for enlightenment, reducing the possibility of conflict when it is finally realized. In this respect, the media plays a significant role.
What the Federal Government Says
Often, the presidency blames national issues on process rather than the structure. In response to murmurs on restructuring, the Vice-President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, stated at a town hall meeting in Minnesota that geographical restructuring “in whatever shape or form, will not mean much if our political leaders see public resources as an extension of their bank accounts.” These statements, while valid in certain respects, still ignore the validity of people’s concerns. The federal government’s stance on restructuring communicates a demeanour of stubbornness and unwillingness to tread a responsive path. If the centre had been proactive in attending to issues of national impact, geopolitical zones might have felt less compelled to take security matters into their own hands.
However, restructuring would not solve the problem and bring us out of the Nigerian condition. While the regions can become more self-conscious after restructuring, it is more important to drive a unified sense of looking into the wrongs of the Nigerian condition and uniformly seeking to get out. The restructuring may address the financial, security, and ethnic problems found in the Nigerian problem. However, it still does not help solve the problems of national discord, mutual dissonance, and the corruption that fuels and drives the Nigerian condition.
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition: A History Of Division (2)
Secession
Secession is the most attempted of all the suggested paths out of the Nigerian condition. But will secession serve as a solution? Ideally, secession cannot be a solution because of the dictates of the Nigerian condition. Nonetheless, secession allows a group to disengage from the Nigerian state, temporarily freeing them from the Nigerian condition. When this group is by itself, it will take the time to truly process whether the problem is the composition of the Nigerian state or the citizens being together, or if it is because of our ideologies. This will lead to a collective retrospection, which may then lead to the suggestion of another solution that can be explored. That is, the group eventually tries a solution that works, but by exploring a different and costly option first and watching it fail. Can any group be that brave and determined?
Secession has many problems. To begin with, the constitution forbids it, just as it forbids a referendum. Therefore, secession can only work if the constitution is revised and amended to support it. More so, there will be questions such as: “How will the territories be allocated?” “How will functions be assigned?” “How will the issue of the potential marginalization of minority groups be addressed?” “What happens if the secession has to be a forced one? Will the agitating groups go ahead? Do they know the cost – financial, human, mental, social – of war?”
The many ideas of a genuinely federal system have downsides and potential benefits. A look at both ends will determine what action is filled with the best promise. However, one must agree with the presidency in the sense that faults can lie in the process. Even if the country devises a robust federal structure, its functionality depends on the participants. In other words, when people who are the quintessential wheels of governance fail to fulfil their duties, the institution may very well collapse. Thus, a reevaluation of the current system is necessary, but as that is being done, we must remember the human faults, too.
This leaves us with a burning question: What is the solution to the Nigerian condition? The Nigerian condition is a peculiar malaise that has befallen the Nigerian state for as long as anyone can remember. The solution to this condition is a revolution. No, not in the way Omoyele Sowore has announced it. Nigerians need to be revived right to the depths of our core. We need a system that will take care of poor people. We need to allow communities to manage themselves and create units of production and exchanges. We need a commitment to the promotion of non-corrupt values. We need a revolution, a mental one that does not equate politics with business, power with theft. The Nigerian mentality is at the centre of the drivers for the Nigerian condition, and until this mentality changes, we may never be free from the Nigerian condition.
Many words cannot fill a basket!
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition And The Exit Options (1)
.Part 4 of the series on the “Nigerian Condition,” commissioned by the New Times. In this concluding part, I examine why the attempted solutions have failed and what we should consider to get out of the condition.
.Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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