Opinion
The Nigerian Condition: The Way Out (4)
Published
4 years agoon

By
Toyin Falola
It has been a century now since Nigeria’s amalgamation, and in that period, the country has never run short of problematic matters. Contemporary Nigeria faces a looming crisis of dissatisfaction amongst the populace. People demand a break, and if that cannot be had, a break-off–think separatist movements across geopolitical zones. Alternatively, though, there are pathways out of the pressing dynamic. To utilize them, it is necessary to explore the likely benefits and potential pitfalls; otherwise, we would be leading ourselves on a blind man’s trip.
As explored in the third instalment, restructuring, fiscal federalism, and secession are words that have been thrown about in the quest to get out of the Nigerian condition. However, these moves have either failed to sail or did not work when attempted. Therefore, it is reasonable that we look into the pros and cons of each move to understand why attempting them would not get us out of the Nigerian condition.
Restructuring
Restructuring arose out of the agitation for ethnic recognition. Since regional parts amalgamated in the one hundred-odd years, minority groups have been lumped with their extra-large siblings. Ironically, these siblings also feel subdued by a north that is even more overwhelming. The clamour for administrative equity revolves around the unfair allocation of resources, centralized power, absence of representation, and a host of other challenges. Resource-wise, the country operates a system that is bitingly known as “feeding-bottle federalism.” The centre wields resources and financial proceeds, which it distributes in bits and drops to federating units. Foremost among the radical challengers of the current structure are the Indigenous People of Biafra led by Nnamdi Kanu and whose domain is the southeast, then the Yoruba nation activist, Sunday Igboho. To make these concerns even worse, clashes between farmers and herders have demonstrated a nepotistic attitude to handling crises from the centre.
PROPOSED MODELS OF RESTRUCTURING
Regionalism
Advocates for a reconstitution of the country along regional lines demand the tripartite subnational structure of the First Republic. They view restructuring as the reallocation of powers from the central government to regional governments within the country. Kingsley Moghalu, a proponent of this school, stated in a keynote address at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, in 2018 that his idea of restructuring retained the six geopolitical zones. For him, the states would no longer exist but will function instead as provinces within the zones. A regional model shifts the bulk of the responsibility from an over-endowed seat in Abuja to half a dozen units across the country. The regions will control their resources and bear the developmental burden using the proceeds. They will also furnish the central coffers with a fraction of these proceeds. Hence, the prevalent state of marginalization is dropped, and people can finally manage their economies.
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition: Paths Out For The Nation (3)
However, the problem with this lies in a historical record of failure. It also negates the essential value of recognition that the present structure allows. In the past, regional administrations were known to focus solely on their seats of power. Development occurred mainly in political centres such as Ibadan, Kaduna, and Lagos, excluding large swathes of the regions. Therefore, the question is, if the system that should foster intraregional development once failed in doing so, why should it be implemented again? Also, subsuming states into regions leaves out the fundamental reason for creating those states in the first place. It contradicts the idea of representation which birthed the whole issue of restructuring. In places where states with a voting population no longer exist, and the administrators of those provinces are chosen, not elected, there is the possibility that minorities who once had a modest recognition will melt into the supervening idea of a region. As a result, we may achieve something that still falls short of our desires. This leads us to the second model of restructuring.
Devolution
Devolution involves power-sharing, or, essentially, shifting model. The federal government surrenders specific responsibilities that it previously held to the states. This is achieved through statutory means. Devolution brings governance to the people at the grassroots levels. It promotes engagement between the ruling class and the ruled. Also, there is better access to the benefits of a government than a system where the leadership exists only on screen. On paper, devolution creates room for states to control resources and manage these resources to develop localities because it cedes power. However, the question of capabilities still presides. Even with a steady stream of federal income in the past, some state administrations have been known for poor management practices. This connotes that while the structure itself may change, the management techniques remain the same. Thus, the problem continues in federating units.
State Police
The Nigerian security structure is essentially a federal-driven one. Internal security lies within the precincts of federal administrators, and external forces mainly handle concerns within states. In recent years, the national military has acquired more police responsibilities. Codenames like Operation Crocodile Smile, Python Dance, Hadarin Daji, Harbin Kunama, and a seemingly endless tally of others now occupy the mainstream. Even non-combatant departments like the fire service are controlled by the federal government, depriving states of power over minor issues. This creates a delay in administering the security apparatus and, in many cases, a deterioration before an adequate response is received. For needs such as logistics and funding for the police and sister departments to be met, a long wait must first be endured.
In the context of restructuring, therefore, the creation of state-owned police formations is crucial. Under this model, Nigerian states similarly administer their security to what obtains in the United States. The state police structure does not give inalienable powers to the state but provides exceptional instances where the federal government may interfere in internal security. All of these are provided under statutory dictates; yet, there is a likely problem. Governments in Nigeria are not precisely famous for administrative sanctity. The potential for the abuse of police powers remains an ever-present threat, and this is a kink in the whole arena.
Known and Unknown Concept of Restructuring
The binding nature of restructuring means that its perception in the minds of the average citizen is something to consider. While it is natural that there are different ideas, a genuine understanding of what it means must be examined. For many, it is another trendy word that is used loosely. For others, although a limited few, it must be taken with caution. The diverse spread of understanding creates a need for enlightenment, reducing the possibility of conflict when it is finally realized. In this respect, the media plays a significant role.
What the Federal Government Says
Often, the presidency blames national issues on process rather than the structure. In response to murmurs on restructuring, the Vice-President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, stated at a town hall meeting in Minnesota that geographical restructuring “in whatever shape or form, will not mean much if our political leaders see public resources as an extension of their bank accounts.” These statements, while valid in certain respects, still ignore the validity of people’s concerns. The federal government’s stance on restructuring communicates a demeanour of stubbornness and unwillingness to tread a responsive path. If the centre had been proactive in attending to issues of national impact, geopolitical zones might have felt less compelled to take security matters into their own hands.
However, restructuring would not solve the problem and bring us out of the Nigerian condition. While the regions can become more self-conscious after restructuring, it is more important to drive a unified sense of looking into the wrongs of the Nigerian condition and uniformly seeking to get out. The restructuring may address the financial, security, and ethnic problems found in the Nigerian problem. However, it still does not help solve the problems of national discord, mutual dissonance, and the corruption that fuels and drives the Nigerian condition.
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition: A History Of Division (2)
Secession
Secession is the most attempted of all the suggested paths out of the Nigerian condition. But will secession serve as a solution? Ideally, secession cannot be a solution because of the dictates of the Nigerian condition. Nonetheless, secession allows a group to disengage from the Nigerian state, temporarily freeing them from the Nigerian condition. When this group is by itself, it will take the time to truly process whether the problem is the composition of the Nigerian state or the citizens being together, or if it is because of our ideologies. This will lead to a collective retrospection, which may then lead to the suggestion of another solution that can be explored. That is, the group eventually tries a solution that works, but by exploring a different and costly option first and watching it fail. Can any group be that brave and determined?
Secession has many problems. To begin with, the constitution forbids it, just as it forbids a referendum. Therefore, secession can only work if the constitution is revised and amended to support it. More so, there will be questions such as: “How will the territories be allocated?” “How will functions be assigned?” “How will the issue of the potential marginalization of minority groups be addressed?” “What happens if the secession has to be a forced one? Will the agitating groups go ahead? Do they know the cost – financial, human, mental, social – of war?”
The many ideas of a genuinely federal system have downsides and potential benefits. A look at both ends will determine what action is filled with the best promise. However, one must agree with the presidency in the sense that faults can lie in the process. Even if the country devises a robust federal structure, its functionality depends on the participants. In other words, when people who are the quintessential wheels of governance fail to fulfil their duties, the institution may very well collapse. Thus, a reevaluation of the current system is necessary, but as that is being done, we must remember the human faults, too.
This leaves us with a burning question: What is the solution to the Nigerian condition? The Nigerian condition is a peculiar malaise that has befallen the Nigerian state for as long as anyone can remember. The solution to this condition is a revolution. No, not in the way Omoyele Sowore has announced it. Nigerians need to be revived right to the depths of our core. We need a system that will take care of poor people. We need to allow communities to manage themselves and create units of production and exchanges. We need a commitment to the promotion of non-corrupt values. We need a revolution, a mental one that does not equate politics with business, power with theft. The Nigerian mentality is at the centre of the drivers for the Nigerian condition, and until this mentality changes, we may never be free from the Nigerian condition.
Many words cannot fill a basket!
READ ALSO: The Nigerian Condition And The Exit Options (1)
.Part 4 of the series on the “Nigerian Condition,” commissioned by the New Times. In this concluding part, I examine why the attempted solutions have failed and what we should consider to get out of the condition.
.Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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Opinion
Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa
Published
17 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.
The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.
One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?
Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.
That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.
As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.
For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.
Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.
Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.
This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.
Igwe, PhD, was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.
Opinion
Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks
Published
18 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.
Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.
Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.
Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

By Toyin Falola
Our university is now an adult at 20!
About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.
At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.
Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.
In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.
Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.
These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.
Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.
A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.
To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.
Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.
The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.
However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.
The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.
At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.
As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.
Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.
Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.
For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.
. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.
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