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Prof. A. D. Yahaya In The Annals Of Public Administration Scholarship In Nigeria

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Professionals In Government: Issues In Navigating The Policy Space In Nigeria

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Tunji Olaopa

There is a way death compounds our sense of finality by adding also a sense of lack. When someone important dies, a big hole begins to gape in the fabric of human existence. That is the way I see the recent demise of Professor Aliyu Danlami Yahaya. The loss of this remarkable patriot, scholar, intellectual and public administrator reverberates in concentric circles from the immediate family out to the several communities of knowledge and practice that he had solidly influenced, and finally to the larger political science, public administration and policymaking academic networks and scholarship in Nigeria. There is no worse time for Nigeria to lose one of her brightest and best. Nigeria needs all the ideas she can bring together at this juncture in her national and political development. and she needs all the more those brains that have the capacity to translate those ideas into substantive framework that rings past lessons to bear on present circumstance to make a sense of our collective national direction.

Prof. A. D. Yahaya In The Annals Of Public Administration Scholarship In Nigeria

Professor Aliyu Danlami Yahaya

But even more so, this is one death that will decimate the communities of knowledge and practice, from political science to public administration. From being the first indigenous head of department, from 1976 to 1981, of the illustrious Department of Political Science and International Studies, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, the late Prof. Yahaya spread the tentacle of his acute knowledge to the political science and public administration landscapes across Nigeria and indeed Africa. As the first indigenous head of department, Prof. Yahaya was saddled with the unenviable but significant task of overseeing the rapid Africanisation of the department, as well as the transformation of its pedagogical and curricular dynamics to fit the peculiarity of scholarship in a postcolonial environment.

My first contact with Prof. Yahaya was as a student of political science in the 1980s. This was through his serious scholarship. I am especially talking about his magisterial The Native Authority System in Northern Nigeria which discussed the trajectory that led to the emergence of the local government system. I would later come in contact with his other numerous and significant public policy papers when I was coming of age as a civil servant who is interested in formulating the theoretical foundation of the public service and its democratic mandate in Nigeria. By the time I finally met him in person as a member of the Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade-led Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC) set up by the Babangida administration (where he had replaced the late Prof. Y. A. Aliyu, I began to form an opinion about the relationship between his scholarship and his commitment to the communities of knowledge, practice and service. Other prominent members of the PAC were Dr Michael Omolayole, Prof. Isawa Elaigwu, Dr Effiong Essien, Prof. Ikenna Nzimiro and Prof. Francis Idachaba, I had just been seconded to the PAC from my entry-level appointment as a member of the Speech Writing and Policy Analysis Unit in the office of the president. In the deliberations of the PAC, Prof. Yahaya was on hand to provide the institutional analytic perspectives to the deliberations. He had earlier also served in IBB’s political bureau, alongside Dr Samuel Joseph Cookey, Edwin Madunagu, Tunde Adeniran, Mrs Hilda Adefarasin, Sam Oyovbare, and many others. This was at a critical juncture when Decree 43 of 1988, derived from the highly seminal reform recommendations of the renowned economist, Prof. Dotun Phillips, was in contention. By 2014, he had surfaced as a member of the National Constitutional Conference.

By the time he became the director-general of the Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON), the president of the National Political Science Association (NPSA), and then later the secretary-general of the African Association of Public Administration and Management (AAPAM), my doctoral research was in the works, while my reform reflection on the state of the Nigerian public service system had reached such an advanced stage for me to recognize the significance of someone of Yahaya’s scholarly caliber. There are two significant things I want to leave in my readers’ consciousness about the significance of Prof. A. D. Yahaya’s scholarship and service to Nigeria.

The first has to do with the relevance of intellectuals and their relationship with the government. Part of my advocacy for transforming the remit of the tertiary institutions’ mandate in Nigeria is the need for a robust town-and-gown relationship that unravels a collaborative effort which brings the best of scholarship and research deliverables to bear on the realities of the town. There is no other way by which to measure the significance of education than in its transformation of the lives of the people who ought to be the end users of academic research benefits. Scholars and intellectuals make the best critics, in most cases. But then criticisms must also have a modus operandi for the transformation of what is criticized. In other words, scholars and politicians are united in the one mandate of making the polity a better place for enhancing the well-being of the citizens, and of helping them to live the good life, according to Aristotle. In some critical cases, intellectuals have to make this cogent contribution by being actively involved in the running of government. I once made a distinction between public and political intellectuals: “While the former confronts the whole ensemble of government and governmental power from within the ambit of the dynamics of civil society, the latter is drawn into the framework of governmental functioning due to several circumstances and justifications.” In being drawn into government, the political intellectual is tasked with translating criticisms, projections and convictions to workable blueprints that could transform the operations of government.

READ ALSO: Alao Adedayo: Journalism For The Promotion Of Yoruba Language And Culture

Like so many political intellectuals we have (Prof. Tunde Adeniran is one such for which my tribute to  him activates this distinction), would activate democratic governance for Nigerians. In maneuvering his way through the often-fractious terrain of governmental intrigues and politics, Prof. Yahaya had to summon the best of his experience in mediating conflicts while attending efficiently to his responsibilities. The presence of such an astute scholar in government is supposed to bring direction and depth into policy design. I was thinking about Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade as I wrote this. All these political intellectuals bring a non-bureaucratic understanding of politics to complement the bureaucratic formulation and design dynamics that will aid the government in working better and more efficiently. As a badge of his enduring legacy, Prof. Yahaya is seen as an advocate for the poor. His book, The Native Authority System in Nigeria, was not just a historical piece that traced the metamorphosis of the native authority system into the local government system; it was also a piece of radical manifesto that outlines the oppression of the poor—or the talakawa—by the colonialists and their collaborators in the native authority. What else consolidates the relevance of any intellectual than to be seen as  providing the radical theorizing that speaks truth to power about the conditions of the citizenry?

And this brings me to the second issue about the significance of Prof. Yahaya’s scholarship. This is the framework that this scholarship gives us to mediate between theory and practice.  In administrative context, theory and practice are often grossly misunderstood and misapplied. Bureaucrats, for instance, often considered that they are the custodians  of administrative practices while the scholars are only theorizing. The unstated assumption here is that theories are incidental to serious administrative practices. In the person of Prof. A. D. Yahaya, we have a postcolonial scholar-bureaucrat who embodied in his service the proper integration of both theory and practice that undermines the spurious attempt to distinguish between the two. Prof. Yahaya was a known powerful figure in the community of service and practice. From serving the state government to assisting the Nigerian government in advisory capacities, Prof. Yahaya also made himself a figure that regional, national and continental administrative associations rally round. He had that understanding of the relationship between the knowledge he had acquired and how that knowledge should be deployed in the understanding of administration and the deployment of policies to human concerns. I shared several platforms with him since 2000 when we were both keynote speakers, alongside Prof. M. J. Balogun and others, at the National Association for Public Administration and Management (NAPAM) and ASCON-organised conference of December 2000 to mark the 70th birthday of the late Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, including conferences of AAPAM, CAPAM, IIAS in Brussels, CAFRAD in Tangier, Morocco, the retreats of Federal Permanent Secretaries and numerous learning events organised in the Federal Civil Service at different times. He was also involved in the strategy development process for the public service reform strategy of 2003, and was with us at the roundtable facilitated at the Malborough House in London by the Commonwealth Office that interrogated the report of the diagnostic studies of the Management Services Office (MSO) that would later inform the National Public Service Reform Strategy for Nigeria in 2003.

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With others in the public administration scholarship like Adebayo Adedeji, Ladipo Adamolekun, Y. A. Aliyu, Augustus Adebayo, Alex Gboyega, George Oka Orewa, Ason Bur, Humphrey Nwosu, M. J. Balogun, Dele Olowu, Mufu Laleye, Victor Ayeni, Tijjani Bande, Dr. Mahmud Tukur, Dr. N. U. Akpan and many more, Prof. A. D. Yahaya exemplified a template of how scholarship should become engaged in the task of making the human society better than we met it.

I salute his memory!

Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary & Professor of Public Administration, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos tolaopa2003@gmail.com

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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