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What Is Our Understanding Of Modern Nigeria? – Reflections On A Book Presentation

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What Is Our Understanding Of Modern Nigeria? - Reflections On A Book PresentationBy

Toyin Falola

Thursday, November 18, 2021, will go down in history as one of the most intellectually fulfilling days I have seen in a long while. To some, that may come across as surprising, given that I provided little to no direct intellectual input at the presentation of my most recent book, Understanding Modern Nigeria. I made not a single contribution to this great event, but then realised I had made much indirect intellectual input, seeing as the reason for the gathering was yet another of my books. It is said of the wise that they do not always give or contribute. Sometimes, they take a seat away from the spotlight to observe the flow of discourse and fire up their wealth of knowledge. This was the position I took on November 18, when eminent scholars and concerned Nigerians from all over the nation journeyed down to Trenchard Hall, in the ancient city of Ibadan, my source and pride, for the presentation of the latest product of my intellectual repertoire.

I have written many books, hundreds of them, so much so that writing a new book should not come as a means of lasting reflections. Yet, it is. Weeks after the book’s presentation, I am here, putting words to a white background — writing yet again. What is special about another published book that, for a long time, it takes the centre of attention of the author who has written hundreds of books? Understanding Modern Nigeria is special to me, and the book presentation more than reinforced my belief in that.

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In writing Understanding Modern Nigeria, I sought to do several things, one of which is to spark the flame of discourse among Nigerian intellectuals. What begins with a small group of intellectuals will spread to other members of the society till the flame is ubiquitous enough to elicit stronger reactions. Understanding Modern Nigeria was not written as just another book, and I did not expect it to be received or regarded as such. Therefore, I was joyous to see the form that the maiden reception of the book took.

It is the joy of any development-oriented author to have other people analyse their works and extensively explore the topics they have touched. For books are not only written to inform and educate but also to spark conversations and rouse the spirit of engagement and solution-proffering conversations. This was the atmosphere created on November 18 at Trenchard Hall, University of Ibadan. The book presentation was like an onion, with several layers of revelations for me. I am sure it was the same for the attendees – for those who were physically with us and those who were virtually present.

A man is lucky if he is surrounded by capable people who can and would ensure that concrete plans are implemented even in his absence, and I am lucky. I was privileged to have Prof. Adesina of the Department of History, University of Ibadan, as the Convener of the book presentation of Understanding Modern Nigeria. He worked with a wonderful team who were my eyes and hands in Nigeria; people I could rely on to hit the ground running and put things in place for the success of the book presentation. Prof. Adesina keyed into the vision of the book since the day he got to know I had it in the works, and he remained unflinching in his support.

Prof. OBC Nwolise is one of the most brilliant minds I know, especially when it comes to analysing political issues and trends. I could not have asked for a better critic and keynote speaker at the presentation of Understanding Modern Nigeria. Prof. Nwolise read the book with the mind of a learned Nigerian, truly ready to understand and help others understand modern Nigeria. And the result of his rigorous and painstaking course through the book is the beautiful presentation he made on Thursday, November 18, 2021. It is often said that no book is ever complete before it is published, for no matter how meticulously the author dedicates time to finish the work, post-publication clarity will reveal some additions that could have been made. The cerebral scholar, Prof. Nwolise, came with a basket full of comments and insights to the book presentation, and many of them have caused me to reflect and consider different possibilities. I thoroughly enjoyed his analysis of the book, particularly his examination of each aspect. Indeed, one day soon, we should have a conversation on our divergent perspectives about Nigeria.

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Such valuable contributions that Prof. Nwolise made to the discourse include his comments on the absence of dialogue, the non-recognition of the Nigerian Police as the lead agency for internal security, and the disregard for education and true learning in the Nigerian space. These three problems are truly among the biggest impediments to the nation’s attempt at progress. Sadly, the people at the helm of affairs in Nigeria would rather resort to brute force than involve dialogue, thereby overriding the democratic powers of Nigeria as a free entity. Hopefully, the recent happenings and revelations will spur the leadership to follow the right path so that this entity will retrace its footsteps from the steep precipice of an anarchical abyss.

Likewise, it is saddening and even dangerous that Nigeria has no counter-culture for its large and ever-growing youthful population. There is no grooming for the youth, and they live in the shadows of the adults until they reach full adulthood and find themselves in the corridors of power, ill-groomed. Prof. Nwolise’s insight at the book presentation has helped to broaden the scope of my recommendation regarding the handing over of power to the youth. If we are to hand over power to the youth, we must first consider if they are ready, and can the youth be ready if we do not groom them or make provisions for self-grooming? In addition, there are no adequate provisions for the development of human resources in Nigeria, as opined by the learned Prof. Nwolise. Nigeria is churning out millions of graduates to its workforce and corporate space, yet these graduates underwent little to no human resources development and capacity development while in the higher institutions of learning.

I am also grateful to Prof. Olufunke Adeboye — historian par excellence. Prof. Adeboye is so unassuming that you would hardly be able to tell that the soft-spoken academic is a well-read and widely published African history researcher. It is amazing to see that we share similar research interests. I appreciate her insights into yet another way to explore the book, Understanding Modern Nigeria. I am particularly marvelled by how thoroughly she understood the thought processes and considerations that led to the writing of the book. It was wonderful to listen to another person read out insights that perfectly aligned with my thought processes on why I wrote the book.

Understanding Modern Nigeria is a personal contribution to the body of work on the Nigerian entity, as well as a call on other intellectuals to join the discourse, first, at the book presentation, and perhaps later at their individual writing desks, with books to show as products of their intellectual labours. Prof. Adeboye’s analysis was a fulfilment of one of the major reasons I wrote the book, and I am grateful to have sat in the hall that day to listen to her.

Notably, Prof. Adeboye suggested comparative studies as a means of seeking solutions to the Nigerian conundrum, which I consider a novel idea. She urged everyone to find countries that have had problems similar to Nigeria’s and see if the strategies they applied to their problems can be adopted or modified to solve Nigeria’s problems. I also got a valuable suggestion from her. It would indeed serve to the betterment of the country to make an abridged version of the book that would be easier to consume within a smaller timeframe.

The book presentation had two phenomenal keynote speakers, but it would have been nothing without the other sixteen participants who joined these two professors to form two panels. Thus, it is reasonable to say that the discussion on understanding modern Nigeria started from the book’s presentation. I am grateful to the panelists and panel moderators. To the panelists who spoke on ethnicity —Edmund Obillo, Prof. Ayo Olukotun, Prof. Remi Aiyede, Dr. Nathaniel Danjibo, Prof. Michael Afolayan, Prof. Jide Owoeye, Prof. Akin Alao, Oluwaseun Sanwo Olu, and Kunle Afolayan  — I say thank you for your immense and unreserved contributions to the now continuing discourse on ethnicity in modern Nigeria and the factors that influence how ethnicity and ethnic politicization plays out in the Nigerian space.

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To the panelists on democracy and development — Seun Akinola, Prof. Tunde Babawale, Prof. Adigun Agbaje, Dr. Festus Adedayo, Prof. Francis Egbokhare, Prof. Jumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Precious Ibeh — I am indebted to you all for gracing the occasion and also making valuable inputs that have proved that we are ready to understand modern Nigeria and foster more conversations about Nigeria’s challenges. I am sure that the members of the audience had an intellectually stimulating and enlightening moment, and this is further proven by the overwhelming number of comments and messages that I have received since the book presentation.

If anything, this book presentation is an opening to an endless possibility of ways through which we can interrogate the problems of the Nigerian state, with a view to solving the country’s problems. Can things veer away from what they look like currently? Yes, it is possible, and based on this, we will continue to interrogate these issues.

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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