Opinion
Funding Public Education In Nigeria: Towards An Alternative Financing Model
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
Everyone is still reeling from the multidimensional effects and consequences of the eight-month industrial actions embarked upon by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). Even though the industrial action has been suspended, the non-abating face-off between the federal government and ASUU has once again brought to the front burner critical issues about the role of education in the total governance calculations of the Nigerian government; and specifically, how we can begin to think about the funding of education in Nigeria. For eight months, the public sphere has been set alight by several discussions on ASUU and the strike option, the intransigence of the federal government, and the relationship between education and human capital development. There have also been a lot of agitation about the effect of the long-drawn out face-off on the emotional balance of those involved, especially the students; as well as the larger import of determining the patriotic quotient that will help rally efforts in building Nigeria.
I bring to this conversation, my fond experience as deputy director and head, policy division of the Federal Ministry of Education and national coordinator, education sector analysis/strategy program for Nigeria from 1999 to 2002; and lately, in 2021, chairman, technical working group (TWG) set up by the Federal Ministry of Finance, Budget and Planning that developed the Education and Human Capital Development component of the current national development plan, post-ERGP being currently elaborated into a perspective plan (2023-2060). In the UNESCO Education for All Report (2000-2015) titled the “Dakar Framework for Action,” which I had the fortune of participating in as a Nigerian Delegate, the World Education Forum recommended that six percent of a country’s GNP should be voted for education, while between 15% and 20% (which the popular press put at 26%) becomes a fundamental threshold for national government to earmark for the funding of education. This is in line with the Framework’s declaration that the major challenge facing education, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, is the failure of governments to give education priority in their national budgets. Unfortunately, in the last six years Nigeria’s budgetary allocation to education has not risen anywhere close to 10%. And so, in the World Education Forum ranking for 2022 involving 140 countries, Nigeria is missing in the top ten African countries—Seychelles, Tunisia, Mauritius, South Africa, Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, Cape Verde, Egypt, and Namibia in that order. Seychelles is the only country in Africa to achieve the UNESCO EFA goals, with 69.3 points that placed it at 43rd position out of 140 countries.
Crisis State of Nigeria’s Education Sector
The entry point for this conversation for me is a situation analysis of the crisis of the education sector in Nigeria. Whereas private schools and universities are bridging gaps in terms of access and quality, the cost of private education is prohibitive to majority of applicants (with only 1% of eligible candidates catered for), thus putting a disproportionate demand on public education institutions. Poor learning environment with dilapidated infrastructure in classroom/lecture rooms, often overcrowded and overstretched, made worse by poor maintenance provision and culture. Science-based facilities are running ‘dry lab’ for lack of reagents and tools to conduct physical/real experiments, as laboratories and workshops are old with inappropriate furnishing and consumables absent in most. Deterioration of hostel facilities due to overcrowding, overstretched lavatory, kitchenets and poor sanitation.
Overall, public education institutions face an existential crisis; a situation where public schools and colleges are failing by every parameter: content, curriculum and pedagogy; infrastructure/technology for learning/school management; funding and sustainability; quality assurance; teacher professionalism and teacher education; certification, relevance and employability.
And in terms of the economics and required investment in education, Nigeria will require significant investment in the sector if it is to meet the requirement of access and quality education that will power a diversified, growing, inclusive, sustainable, globally competitive strong economy, and serve as a knowledge hub to the country. With the current country’s expenditure on education far less than the 15-20% or the speculated 26% by UNESCO, the government needs to back up its stated prioritization of education sector with requisite funding, at that, in keeping with the constitutional mandate to provide quality education as a right of the Nigerian child. In addressing the issues of access and equity, Nigeria needs to implement strategies that exponentially grow it carrying capacity at all levels, expanding its impact, especially in terms of enrolment in Basic Education where the private sector has closed gaps over the years often in the process excluding many through tuition. TVET needs to be repositioned given its potential to productively engage the largest segment of the ‘youth bulge’
Across board, rehabilitation and/or construction of new facilities in schools is needed to create a conducive, secure and healthy environment for learning, and respond to the demands of post-Covide-19 new normal. Even where education budgets are increased, the trend in which the recurrent component captures 60-70% of expenditure, does not allow for requisite investment in education infrastructure and the soft contents. And so, since pthe choice of this topic was inspired by my statement at an earlier event organized by this same association titled Rewriting the Fate of Public Schools: Old Students Associations to the Rescue, it is only proper for me to restate my core arguments in that submission, if only to create a context for its iteration in current conversation.
In that statement, I had observed that, i) resuscitating the education sector requires a framework of creative innovation that supersedes the attention often given to the urgent need to increase budgetary allocation; ii) that beyond the resolution of the education funding challenge, the state needs to depoliticize education reform in general, through the institution of a technical-rational approach to education policy making and problem-solving in Nigeria; iii) education requires far more sophisticated governance, leadership and managerial models and acumen in engagements by governments and education administrators with stakeholders, to pursue education funding and governance models that draw significant buy-in to assist in connecting budgeted resources to other alternative investment sources and availabilities for revitalizing the education sector.
And iv), there is a compelling need for old students associations to rethink the modus operandi they had worked with, in favor of a shift from hands-on/out approaches that focus predominantly on infrastructural development, so equal attention is paid to critical systemic and structural reengineering of public schools within a spirited concern for sustainability and impact of interventions; and v) at that, to ensure that old student associations interventions do not provide excuse for governments to abdicate responsibility. Also, so as to prevent non-sustainability of the efforts and reform fatigue that might arise from the same set of people being taxed, year in year out, in pursuing the challenging responsibility.
The option of returning old mission and popular schools to old original owners remain another self-justifying option to reinforce the option of public-private partnerships which has limitless alternative funding models. The point overall is that intervening in one’s alma mater cannot be a haphazard consideration done from the perspective of philanthropy. It must be structured in a synergistic manner to reinforce government projects in schools. It thus must be backstopped with strategic communication with government on the significance of shared responsibility in repositioning schools, with interest taken to focus also on soft issues that drive impact as; standard and quality assurance, teacher education, professionalism and capacity development, learning infrastructure and teaching aides, scholarship schemes, digitized library, sporting facilities, quiz and debates, value-shaping religious instructions and activities, and many more
READ ALSO: How To Revive Public Schools – Tunji Olaopa
Towards Alternative Funding for University and other Tertiary Education Institutions
ASUU has been consistent in its agitation for the revitalization of public universities, and the government’s commitment to education. However, it is high time that the belief about government’s capacity to fund education be subject to critical qualitative and quantitative analysis. My suspicion is that even if the federal government could achieve the 20% threshold commitment to education funding (which will be very hard to achieve given the huge national infrastructural gaps that must be bridged to create required incentives to grow the economy), the current rate of rot and decay in the educational framework of Nigeria, as well as the loss of overall efficiency, infrastructural leakages in public education institution, as well as pervasive corruption would not demonstrate any improvement. This requires a fundamental rethink, especially on government’s and ASUU’s fixation on a one-size-fit-all budgetary funding model.
There is no one any longer that doubts the fact that human capacity development requires a high-quality education. And such a qualitative education is not only expensive to get, it is also very capital intensive to fund. This is where both the federal government and ASUU require a rethinking of modalities. On the one hand, how possible is it to keep up the agitation for government to keep funding education within the tight and terrible global and national economic dynamics? It would seem disingenuous to keep insisting that tuition should not be paid at all to get quality higher education. And on the other hand, it is also time for the realization to sink in, with the clear fact that it is now next to impossible for the federal government to think it can solely finance public education outside of several creative alternatives that displace the government as the dominant stakeholder. We got to the shameful and protracted eight-month strike because both the government and ASUU refused to deconstruct the model of the government as the sole financier of education. And with that model, the World Education Forum just served us the rude consequence.
In the larger matter of governance in the state, the government has been forced to come to terms with the expansion of the governance space to allow for the timely and significant contributions of nonstate and nongovernmental forces and actors. And this is essentially because government recognized that it does not have the capacity to bite more than it can chew. The same logic is apposite in the case of the financing of public universities. It should be time now to revisit the autonomy clause in the understanding of universities in Nigeria. University autonomy demands that universities run their own affairs, with government contributing some percentage into a funding mix that is carefully calibrated into an education financing model. The idea of university autonomy also further speaks to other issues, namely, the categorization of university, funding alternatives, fund management, etc.
All across the world, and especially in the OECD countries, there is now a consensus on the need to expand the funding sources for higher education, with the government being just one out of the many sources of funding. It is also now accepted that those who benefit the most from education—those who receive it—should also bear at least some part of the cost. Thus, even though across the OECD education is publicly funded, the proportion of government expenditure allocated to funding from primary to tertiary level dropped between 2015 and 2019. This is because government yielded to a diversification of the funding sources. In 2019, for instance, an average of 59% funding for non-tertiary education came from the central government (with the rest decentralized), and 88% for tertiary education. And more than 31% of the transferred funding came from the private sector (and about 10% for non-tertiary education). And also, across the OECD in 2019, an average of 5% of the total fund for tertiary education is transferred to the private sector. And countries with the highest transfer of cost of funding also have high tuition. For instance, in Australia, United Kingdom and Ireland, the transfer of cost exceeds 18%, and annual tuition for a bachelor’s degree also exceed $5000.
Government funding either goes directly to educational institutions, or it is done through the subsidizing of scholarship, loans and grants. Government also funds universities through student enrolment that ultimately increases efficiency among the universities. The evidence in the OECD points at a cost-sharing formula that cascades from the central government to the state and the local governments, as well as drawing from the private sector and the students and their families as well. This cost sharing formula allows for the expansion of access to education without in any way sacrificing academic quality or the capacity of disadvantaged students to benefit. This also allows the universities, within the ambit of institutional autonomy, to generate their own funds while decreasing their dependence on government support. In the final analysis, it saddles the institutions with the responsibilities of being more responsive to students’ needs.
Across the African continent, the funding of tertiary and non-tertiary education depends heavily on the central government, with regional variation depending on the economic status of the country. While African governments spend at least about 5% of GDP on education, the continent is the worst in terms of education spending efficiency, compared to Europe and North America, and even Latin America. Public spending on education is often constrained by weak public resource collection capacity, as well as decreasing international development assistance, microeconomic and growth instability, huge debts, weak tax administration and very large informal sector. All these, and especially in the case of Nigeria, points at the urgency of policy creativity that will highlight the designing of financing model for education that allocates the state’s scarce resources efficiently and equitably. Such models will have to focus on maximizing merit-based dynamics that will enhance education, without undermining equity, especially with regard to disadvantaged students. No matter the financing model that is adopted, the educational experience of all students must be enhanced, no matter their background, learning capability, gender, economic and income profile, ability or disability, or racial and national differences.
Categorizing Universities following US’ Tier 1 to Tier 5
We alluded earlier to the possible imperative of categorizing universities based on functionality. In the United States, for instance, just as universities are categorized into five tiers. Tier 1 colleges and universities—like Harvard, Yale, Rice, Stanford, etc.—are the most difficult to get into, with admission rate below 10%. Tier 2 schools are seriously competitive but less so than the tier 1, and they have admission rate below 20%. Examples are Boston, Tufts, Georgetown, UC Berkeley, Georgia Tech, Emory, Tulane, NYU, etc. The tier 3 schools are not as competitive with regard to admission, since they have a rate that is below 35%—Virginia Tech, Lafayette College, University of Florida, etc. This frame for the different categories of universities can also be determined around clusters that denote whether they are high-tuition or low-tuition; or whether they are general or specialized. Each of these categories of universities can then be shored up with financing options ranging from student loans scheme, education banks, scholarship, bursary awards, and so on.
This is where the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND) comes into the fund management framework, but in a more enhanced and rehabilitated form. For instance, one significant defect of TETFUND is its inability to autonomously generate and manage the funds it collects through investments, for instance, in bonds. This is where TETFUND could aim to become the hub for the public-private partnership that should serve as a veritable source of funding to complement government effort at sustaining a qualitative education profile. With the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) Act already in place, the fault is with tertiary institutions not exploring and exploiting the various PPP templates available—design-build, management contract, lease-and-operate contract, design-build-finance-operate, build-operate-transfer, buy-build-operate, build-own-operate, build-own-operate and transfer; donor-financed/funded-transfer.
Indeed, the presence of private enterprises on university lands can also be a source of revenue. Or certain infrastructures, like student hostels, can be managed privately in ways that takes the universities’ mind off the responsibility of maintenance. TETFUND therefore becomes a dual-purpose organizational framework: on the one hand, it stands as the repository of government’s increasing efforts to supplement its funding of public education through non-budgetary options like exactions from specific economic viable cum competitive sectors. On the other hand, TETFUND serves as the regulatory hub for the management of the funds emanating from the concessionary relationship between a university and the private sector in a PPP relationship. In all, TETFUND becomes the arrowhead for funding allocation to tertiary institutions based on competitive parameters, like student enrolment, internationalization, and research and development.
This is where alumni, or old students, associations become critical addition, as non-profit and private funders, to the alternative financing sources that enhance the quality of education in Nigeria. In this regard, one must first note a significant correlation between the functional relevance of alumni associations and universities’ relationship with their students. There surely must be a relationship between the quality of education a student derived from a university, and her willingness to give back to her alma mater, post-university. A university that invests in the existential welfare, academic achievement and future orientation of a student is one that can then hope to benefit from endowments. The recent endowment of $1m (roughly N417million) by Mr Philip Ozuah to the College of Medicine, University of Ibadan, is all the evidence of the relationship between an alumnus and the funding/endowment of the university that is needed. Mr Ozuah channeled the donation through the Ibadan College of Medicine Alumni Association Worldwide (ICOMAA-WW).
READ ALSO: Post-2023: Deep-thinking The Leadership Function In Nigeria’s Future Transformation (3)
One could surmise that Mr Ozuah, a 1985 graduate of medicine, represents a generation that benefitted from a period when qualitative education and university-student relationship were the norm. From the 1990s, tertiary education had commenced a nosedive that probably also affected the functional significance of alumni associations. In other words, with increasing decline, especially in academic quality and infrastructural provisions, students no longer could generate the requisite pride that keep them bonded to the memories of their stay in the university, and mobilize their enthusiasm to keep supporting the school. Thus, alumni associations are founded on exceptional undergraduate experiences that metamorphose into school pride and lifelong bonding.
The significance of the alumni associations not only strengthens a university funding source, it also serves as a framework for mentoring, effective administration, policy creativity within secondary or tertiary education, as well as the provision of scholarship. Most important for me is how alumni associations could also be incorporated into the governance of tertiary institutions, for instance. University autonomy, as we have demonstrated above, requires that a school becomes creative in managing its administrative and governance dynamics in ways that complement the efforts of a government in terms of funding. Incorporating alumni associations and corporate bodies into the governing boards of schools and tertiary institutions ensures that these schools benefit from the insights of those who have decided to commit their resources and wisdom into making these institutions qualitative and relevant.
READ ALSO: No Bobo! No Zobo! (Part 3)
The alumni associations, apart from serving as an alternative funding source, also becomes a fundamental stakeholder in pushing the status of a school or tertiary institution in its quest for government or private sector funding, especially through TETFUND and other fund management organizations. With a formidable governing board, a university, for instance, could qualify for any of the following funding parameters: (a) performance-based model which allocates competitive funding based on outstanding research, teaching and community development in ways that stimulate excellence and growth; (b) cost-sharing model that lowers financial cost of education through the spreading of such cost among different funders and stakeholders; (c) contextual-peculiarity model allocates funding to a university based on its contextual needs, circumstances (Ahmadu Bello University will qualify for such funding on its need to research into deforestation; University of Nigeria, Nsukka will qualify based on the circumstance of erosion in its region, etc.); (d) host-proprietor-user model (similar to the cost-sharing model) draws all beneficiaries of an educational service and the location of an educational institution into its funding.
Nigeria has a lot to do to recapture the initiative in pushing education to the forefront of her search for development and economic growth. With an adversarial industrial relation and a debilitating public education that has pushed private institutions to the fore, the situation is indeed very dire for the future of human capital development. And yet, there is still hope to the extent that the alumni associations can push themselves into the fray as the instigators of further reflections on alternative option in the financing of public education institutions. Public educational institutions in Nigeria, from the primary and secondary to the tertiary are far from providing high-quality education as they presently stand. And it is exactly that qualitative education that the government and relevant stakeholders must make concerted efforts in providing if Nigeria is to achieve public education spending efficiency that pushes its development agenda.
READ ALSO: Excellence In Education In The Context Of Pan-Africanism And Digitization
. Being Lecture Delivered at the 2022 Annual General Meeting and Re-union Dinner of Olivet Baptist High School, Oyo National Old Students Association Held at NOSA Hall, Olivet Heights, Oyo on Saturday, the 12th of November, 2022.
.Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS), Kuru, Jos .
Read more authentic news on our social media platforms
You may like
-
Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia
-
Black Saturday As 10 Confirmed Dead, Others Injured In Abuja Church Stampede
-
Tinubu Congratulates Civil Service Commission Chair Olaopa As He Turns 65
-
Ogun Information Ministry Defends N2b Budget Proposal, Pledges More Service
-
Yuletide: Abiodun Tasks New Police Commissioner On Security
-
Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)
By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
Inline image
NEW TIMES CULTURE
Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia
Black Saturday As 10 Confirmed Dead, Others Injured In Abuja Church Stampede
Tinubu Congratulates Civil Service Commission Chair Olaopa As He Turns 65
Top Stories
-
Latest News23 hours ago
Black Saturday As 10 Confirmed Dead, Others Injured In Abuja Church Stampede
-
Opinion21 hours ago
Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia
-
Opinion3 days ago
Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)
-
Metro3 days ago
AfAW Decries Court Acquittal Of Suspected Murderer Of Alleged Witch In Enugu
-
Latest News5 days ago
Why We Set Up Kojola Dry Port – Abiodun