Opinion
Human Capital And Nigeria’s Institutional And Development Agenda
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
My series of interventions in Nigeria’s governance and institutional reform dynamics and imperatives have always been with the objective of providing a wide-ranging array of ideas and insights that will unravel the inner working of these issues for Nigerians. This, I believe, will enhance their sense of the governance issues and challenges that shape their lives. But more fundamental still is the opportunity for any new administration, like the incoming one, to have a storehouse of germane approaches and paradigms—iterations of possibilities—from which it could energize its policy architecture and the commitment to transforming the lives of Nigerians. At this point, the issue transcends the mere issue of Nigeria having a stock of ideas about policymaking or governance reforms. On the contrary, my engagements with governance and institutional reforms have been at the levels at which these ideas, paradigms, insights and blueprints are embedded within Nigeria’s administrative and political histories and realities.
In this piece, I will be unraveling the interface between human capital development and Nigeria’s development trajectory and institutional matrix. We can start with axioms we all can agree with. First: globally, a state’s development performance is determined by the quality of its institutions, and specifically the public ones. It is these institutions that bear the weight of the public policy intentions of the government on behalf of the citizens. Second: the optimal performance of the public institutions, like the civil service, is hinged on the quality of its workforce—the motivation, competences and integrity of its human capital, as well as the quality of its political, administrative and technocratic leadership. The human capital is essentially the lifeblood of a state and its public institutions.
However, reality is the nemesis of the axiomatic. However, we can only begin to make sense of the significance of the axiomatic when we square it with the reality of human capital in postcolonial Nigeria. The first scary fact is that Nigeria’s population is outstripping its economic growth rate. This simply implies that the galloping population growth puts an enormous strain on infrastructural development and social policy that is not remedied by buoyant economic growth. The second scary statistics are the endemic low points of Nigeria’s performance in all global and regional human capital indices available. And this is further complicated by the confirmation of Nigeria as the poverty capital of the world, with her own National Bureau of Statistics demonstrating in figures what we all know in fact, that on the Multidimensional Poverty Index for 2022, 63% of Nigerians (approximately 133 million people) are multidimensionally poor. Throw in the bad fact that Nigeria tops the global figure in out-of-school children at 11.5 million (33% above the global rate of 8.5%) and you get the sense of how bad the human capital predicament of the Nigerian state is.
We are agreed that people—human capital—are the lifeblood of national development anywhere on the globe. However, as the Nigerian case demonstrates, if the figure of the out-of-school children is that enormous, and the educational system is out of joint, and public service institutions are dysfunctional, then it becomes extremely difficult to engage with the significance of human capital as the stock of skills, expertise, experience, institutional memory, work culture, and creativity embodied in the capacity of the public service workforce to facilitate economic growth and national productivity. We now begin to see how harnessing natural resources and the significance of capital depends on the capability of human resources management to build institutional performances and productivity.
The dysfunctionality of the public service therefore and in large part consists of a workforce problematic. And this, for me, revolves around three fundamental challenges: (a) the size of the workforce; (b) the workforce organizational IQ represented by the workforce skill and composition; and (c) workforce productivity and its connection to a nation’s wealth creation dynamics. How does a nation’s workforce, given these three crucial issues, enable functional policies, achieve regulatory effectiveness in service delivery, become capability ready in policy and programme implementation, while also maintaining meaningful engagement with citizens through transparent and accountable administration? These are the three issues that the incoming Tinubu administration must foreground as the key indicator of its public service renewal programme. Once the workforce represented by the public service is compromised, then the new administration has failed on a significant issue even before it takes off.
And the workforce is definitely not optimal in its present composition and capability readiness. Nigeria is still trying to make some significant sense of how best to put her act together to participate actively and competitively in the fourth industrial revolution while the rest of the world is already preparing for the fifth. The public trust invested in the public service as the embodiment of a government’s performance has waned to a point of alarm. And this is essentially because that institution has failed to account for the return on investment as a sector of the national economy that is responsible for about 20% of national employment, and holds approximately 15% of Nigeria’s annual GDP in terms of its wage bill. The Nigerian public service system has a compromised institutional performance capability to attract talents and competences, and to initiate a productivity paradigm shift for democratic governance. This is because its operational and business model is outdated, its wage structure is largely uncompetitive, it has an extremely low institutional incentivization, and its competency-based human resources management system has all but collapsed.
The challenge is that of how the new administration will manage Nigeria’s fiscal crisis—represented by a mounting national indebtedness and unsustainable cost of governance—to creatively reinvest in the public service the resources it urgently requires to perform productively. How can the skills and competences of the public service workforce be unleashed and harnessed optimally to instigate productivity within a performance management framework? Transforming the public service institution requires strategic overall vision of human capital development, a clear reform agenda for the public service that will be grounded on a specific programme of re-professionalization of the workforce, as well as a willful de-politicization of public service governance that recognizes its status as a professional vocation with its own key dynamics and frameworks. I have a few recommendations for the new administration as it prepares to take off full throttle.
First, the new administration requires a rethinking of the management of human capital in the public service. This demands a move away from the traditional approach underpinning the personnel administration handled by the generalist framework to a more strategic human capital approach that sees public employees as valuable assets. Personnel administration and its neoliberal rationale understand employees and even the whole public service institution as a cost-generating and burdensome institution that needs to be pruned. It thus fails to see it as a valuable public framework whose values keep increasing the more it is nurtured. Second, nurturing and optimally utilizing the public service workforce under a strategic management framework therefore requires a further rethinking and realignment of the intellectual basis of skills and competences that backstop the public service in ways that bring them to par with global best practices in competency benchmarks. This has the significant advantage of bringing the public service into compliance with the imperatives of a knowledge and information age that the fourth industrial revolution demands. The insistence therefore is on the re-composition and re-wiring of the public service skills-set and organizational IQ to perform better in a VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—administrative environment. This demands a deep organizational reform of the old inherited internal management controls, like the organization and method (O&M) as well as the treasury control of establishment on the strict regulatory guidelines for creating and winding up new agencies once their objectives are achieved.
Third, there is a juncture where data culture and wage and compensation dynamics strategically underpin human capital management in the public service globally. A sound data culture builds into the performance contracting and auditing that underpin the performance management system. A functional data culture enables a firm grip on the measurement of the actual cost and contribution of the public service employees to the overall performance and productivity of the public sector. On the other hand, wage and compensation increase the competitive edge that brings the public service recruitment framework in line with scarce and rare skills and talents in line with market parameters and performance metrics.
Fourth, there is a need to put in place HR departments in all the MDAs that are reformed in line with the parameters undergirding HR function as, first, a body of systematic and strategic knowledge acquired through training and experience; and second, as a deeply professionalized endeavor with strategic specialists as change agents. It is the responsibility of such HR departments to facilitate the establishment of a performance-managed workplace culture that deploys KPI metrics as replacement for the outdated annual performance evaluation review (APER). For instance, such departments will have to manage flexible work practices to optimize staff capacities. This will involve a shift away from full-time work arrangements to more varied part-time frameworks like flexi-timing, job sharing, remote working and outsourcing.
Overall, the new administration needs to revisit the re-professionalization imperative and change management requirement needed to bring the public service up to par as a world class institution that will deliver on the administration’s policies. Let me reiterate: this new administration will only succeed with a twenty-first century public service that is smart, flexible, meritocratic, entrepreneurial, technology-enabled, accountable and citizen-engaging.
.Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor of Public Administration.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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