Opinion
The Black Cross: Racism, Xenophobia, And ‘Tribalism’
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
The existence of some strata has been societal norms from time immemorial. People have been defined by the circumstances around their birth, social status, wealth, and many other factors that could fit into several societies. Africans, people of African genetic traces, those with high concentrations of melanin, and others of different origins have been valued on the pedestal of their skin colour or origin. Racism is a global error, but there is a need to pay attention to black people’s dilemma. Outside the shores of Africa, they face different levels of racial discrimination; within Africa, there is a likelihood of xenophobic apprehensions by one’s countrymen toward African “foreigners,” and when back in their respective countries, their kinsmen remind them of the ethnic differences overblown out of proportion.
The people of black skin are strongly of African descent either to the early contacts of Africa with other parts of the world, including Trans-Saharan and Trans-Atlantic Slave trades, as well as contemporary migrations of Africans to the Americas, Europe, and Asia. For centuries, people of African descent have been put below social standards with others as many early significant individuals, including scholars, doubted their ability to reason like the rest of the world. They have been wrongly construed without identity, history, spirit, conscience, intelligence, or reasonableness. Africa, Africans, and people of African descent had to embark on different endeavours to create rebuttable grounds for the misled presumptions of the African identity or blackness. This historical inferiority perspective of the African people, especially occasioned by the long period of the slave trade, has created bias consciousness against black people. There are countless occasions of embarrassment where black people are asked on the streets for their tails or thrown bananas as monkeys. Although Africans and blacks do not need to prove anything, they have set the pace in global scholarship and developments and, as such, underlined the psychopathic instincts of a racist that has blocked all channels to reasoning.
There are not less than 200 million people of African descent in the Americas and million others in Europe, Asia, and other parts of the world. Although there is no more frequent lynching in the South than in the 19th and 20th centuries, systemic lynching and racism are deafening and depressing. There are laws set up in countries and their respective institutions and systems to discourage racism, but the problem persists due to its transformation into subtle forms. Enforcement of human rights laws and policies has been a major challenge in countries that are the champions of the free world. President Biden, recognizing these dynamics of systemic racism, described it at the early stage of his administration as “destructive”, “corrosive”, and “costly”, especially because of its fast rate of tearing apart the fabric of the society. In a 2021 FBI analysis of Hate Crime Statistics, a single-bias analysis showed that 64.5% of victims were discriminated against as a result of Race, Ethnicity, or ancestry. In 2018, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health conducted a survey that showed that 57% of black Americans have stated that they were discriminated against in terms of pay and promotions at their workplaces, 51% have been subjected to the usage of racial slurs at a point or the other, 21% noted that they had intentionally avoided medical care facilities for themselves and their relatives because of the fear of outright racial discrimination and 60% stated that they and their families have been subjected to undue suspicion by the police and law enforcement agencies because of their colour. In another survey of the same year by BBC on November 28, 2018, it was noted that the racism rate is between the range of 63% and 20% in EU countries, with Finland having 63%, the UK at 21%, and Malta having 20%.
One of the most common sectors that have attracted several racial abuses is the football sector, where players, coaches, and individuals are subjected to the unchecked excesses of fans. Romero Lukaku, Dani Alves, Marcus Rashford, Bukayo Saka, Didier Drogba, and loads of black players have at one point been harassed on the pitch whether they were doing fine or not. Sake, Sancho, and Rashford faced harsh racist abuses when England crashed out of the Euro 2020. Moise Kean, who is of Ivorian descent, Alex Sandro, and Blaise Matuidi, of the Juventus Team in Italy, were racially abused by Cagliari’s fans in August 2019; particular racial interest was taken in Kean. Unfortunately, Kean was blamed for having provoked the attack.
African migrants who have left their countries searching for greener pastures have learned to swallow their “pride” when faced with undue suspicions. Several Black people who have decided to school outside Africa have difficulties settling down because of the discriminatory attitudes of many of their colleagues. There has been a tendency that black and migrant children in schools to be about four times more likely to have out-of-school suspensions, and they are more than twice as likely to be arrested for school-related offences. African migrants are largely treated as unwanted visitors who cannot protest because they lack assurance to protect their rights. Africans deciding to visit, stay, study, or work overseas must be aware of possible racial abuse and discrimination. This is not to say that overseas communities are toxic in their entirety. However, an allusion is strongly made to deforming systems that tolerate the few racial assailants and allow racial subconsciousness to grow. This has led to constructive slavery, human trafficking, and other ranges of harassment. The death of George Floyd has raised another consciousness in contemporary society and has given voices to others that suffer similar ordeals but are swept under the carpet.
Discrimination is not solely an issue of whether you are black, African, or white. At least many things could be said about racial sentiments by some supposedly distinguished Africans, like Kais Saied, the President of Tunisia, who has faced intense criticism for his racism and hate speech comments early this year against people of Sub-Saharan Africa, who are core blacks. Saied had stated that Tunisia needed to take proactive steps against “hordes of illegal immigrants from Sub-Saharan Africa” and qualified their migrations thus “The undeclared goal of the successive waves of illegal immigration is to consider Tunisia a purely African Country that has no affiliation to the Arab and Islamic nations.” Saied could have been right if he had purely frowned at illegal migration, which is criminal, but he went below the belt by making such divisive comments, considering his position in Africa. A similar issue could be found in Libya and the Maghreb as several Africans, especially from Sub-Saharan, who aim to cross to Europe through that route, were subjected to inhumane treatment in slave auctioning. It has been reported that being Black in Libya is difficult, and stigmatization could knock one into depression. This African version of discrimination snowballs into xenophobia from African citizens to migrant Africans in African countries. You see, the shouting woes on discrimination are not just putting the White on the receiving end but every human that has failed to accord basic regard for others: the collective protection of our humanity.
Xenophobia has become more deplorable for moving from mere prejudice against people of their cultures and countries and apprehension of fear and hatred towards people of different backgrounds to outright physical assaults, lynching, arson, and other unspeakable inhumane actions towards others. Xenophobia in Africa has been growing since the 1960s, and those that were charged with duties to curtail it have done so with no full commitment. Several reasons explain xenophobic reactions, but they lack any form of justification. In Angola, Nigeria, Ghana, and South Africa, the reactions were caused by economic ignition. War terror was the triggering cause in Kenya and Chad, politics and economics in Equatorial Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, and Gabon, criminal rhetorics in Congo Brazzaville, Tanzania, and Burundi and politics in Congo Kinshasa. The exodus of about 900,000 to 1,200,000 people from Ghana, the arrest of about 4000 Somalis in operation “Usalama Watch” in Kenya, the repatriation of Beninese from Gabon in the late 1970s, the expulsion of about 100,000 Congolese from Angola in 2004, the expelling of about 50,000 Angolans from Congo Kinshasa in 2009, the “Ghana must Go” agitation in Nigeria, and the South African’s xenophobic violent attacks on Africans in 2008, 2015 and 2019 with its adjoining revenge, and other discriminatory reactions and prejudices are some of the worrisome discriminations in the continent. The story of Nathalie, a grade 10 student in a Cape Town public school who immigrated to South Africa in 2019 with her family from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and was harassed for being chosen as the class monitor, is a pitiful example. Several other individuals who are legal migrants and have prerequisite requirements and qualifications face this type of discrimination and harassment every day because of their nationality.
It would be wrong to say that countries should not look out for their citizens and protect their interests thereof, but the promotion of human rights and regard for humanity, no matter the origin or social status, must always come first. Illegal immigrants should be treated and dealt with without abusing their basic rights, and legal migrants should be treated as much as citizens without discrimination. Africa needs to hold up to a level of consciousness of togetherness and understand the progressive gains in collaborative economies.
When you decide not to go overseas or even migrate to any African country, discrimination waits for you in your country as an African in the form of “tribalism”. One of the characteristics of Africa is its diversity and variety of cultures. To cite the example of Nigeria, there are more than 250 different ethnic groups across the nation with over 500 languages. Ghana has about 70 ethnic groups; there are about 40 groups in Uganda, 42 in Kenya and three major ethnic groups in Rwanda. The diversity has left many minority groups, marginalized groups and others agitating for representation and recognition within their countries. This has been the major fuel for “tribal” discrimination across Africa. Today, several nations face insecurity for “tribal” differences or reasons not far from it. Unfortunately, the gap is becoming wider with more agitations emerging gradually. Such apprehensions in African countries are physical and constructive as individuals lose lives, jobs, properties and other things they hold dear.
Fighting discrimination in the form of racism, xenophobia and “tribalism” is difficult because of the array of stakeholders involved. However, there is a need for Africa to take a strong stance as one, and the role of the African Union in this endeavour is paramount. The Union should carry out collaborative actions with countries with consistent racial apprehensions and make their position known to other international bodies. Moreso, the same attention should be given to African countries and promote African unity, not at the level of what can benefit the respective countries as a whole but individual consciousness to tolerate people. In addition, human rights laws and policies put in place to capture the menace of discrimination should be revisited, and more efforts should be directed towards implementing and enforcing those laws.
Most importantly, individual African countries need to step up regarding social responsibility and development to not keep pushing human resources outside its shores in need of engagement. When there is a favourable economy and social system that would allow the growth and enhance the standard of living of its citizens, emigration, at least permanent emigration, would be reduced to the minimum. Furthermore, Africans, Blacks and other discriminated individuals should always look within the system to explore solutions to racial and xenophobic abuse. When there is a fear of disregard, consultation should be made with available NGOs and groups to stand for protection.
On the home front, an international or continental approach may not be as adequate as anticipated. Pan-Africanism is the pre-eminent solution, but it is growing rather slowly. Thus, for now, the solution is national. First, each African country should engage in structural reconsiderations to figure out the underlying motivations and causes of division. More so, there should be institutionalized efforts to erase traces of “tribalism” from every state entity and provide general consciousness and experience to reduce it. In doing this, several stakeholders of different ethnic groups must be engaged to reduce ethnic gaps and ensure equal representation in politics and social activities.
Let us always remember that lives are lost to the dangers of racism, pangs of xenophobia, and brutalities of “tribalism”. Efforts to resolve these issues do not just mean that one is saving a person’s life but saving a generation, rescuing mental breakdown and giving voices to the voiceless. I anticipate a time when there will not be reports or incidents of racism, xenophobic attacks, and ethnic apprehension for 365 days. This year is gone; I hope to see it next year.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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