Opinion
African Marginal Identities: Justifications And Reflections
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
As stated in the preceding part of this piece, culture changes as perceptions evolve or get replaced over the years, and, as such, African conceptualization of things cannot outgrow change. While new ideologies and understanding emerge, society, through its old cultures and traditions, is expected to resist these changes and criticize them based on norms. Hence, two resistances are in place in the instance of marginal identities: the societal normative resistance; and the resistance of the minorities that form the marginal identities. However, during conflicts involving resistance, actions, and reactions, society’s overwhelming support often prevails over the will of minorities, which further highlights the issue of marginalization.
How has society reacted to new ideas and convictions such as consciousness for repositioning and redefining women, the freedom of LGBTQI+ persons, equality and “detribalization” movements, halting of modern slavery and pawns, the right perceptions about people with disability, people with albinism, hunchbacks, and children, the inclusion of secluded women, the redefinition of the place and duties of the youth and other discourses on marginal identities? While these aim to reduce the concentration of orthodox perspectives, certain factors have fueled societal resistance, forming rationalities and justifications.
The socioeconomic disparity is one of the fuels that keep the fires of marginalization burning. This is because the high concentration of opportunities and developments among a particular group at the detriment of others results in domination. African rural dwellers are mostly poor people, and since about half of the continent’s population are rural dwellers, it is obvious that the continent’s poverty rate may only worsen. The concentration of development elsewhere reduces changes in development in other places. In addition, deprivation of socioeconomic development among some ethnic groups through tribal preferences for people of one’s ethnicity is the core definition of racial marginalization. This deprivation goes into the root causes of slaves, pawns, refugees, stateless, and displaced persons. It highlights the silence among suppressed women and those who would love to be out of seclusion. The presence of socioeconomic disparity can never allow the continent to gravitate towards closing the gaps between the mainstream and the minorities; therefore, a crisis is bound to persist as everyone aims for survival.
Sexuality in Africa is sacred and has more collective relevance than personal benefits. While the continent does not deter individuals from sexual exploration, the act is often coated with secrecy and reverence. Society has grown to be watchdogs for sexual impunities, and examples can be drawn from among the Akan people of Ghana, the Hausa and Yoruba of Nigeria, the Kaguru and Nyakyusa of Tanzania, the Kamba and Kikuyu people of Kenya, and almost all parts of the continent. Because of this, sacredness generates norms and values around sex, which goes to the root of sexuality. Africa is sexually binary, as reflected in the cultures, the gods, and the institutions around each African society.
LGBTQI+ is seen as anti-traditional social norms, and society’s resistance is framed as culturally contradictory. While popular statements support this disposition, some have pointed out that there have been cases of persons who can be classified as the LGBTQI+ community, like King Mwanga II of Buganda, and concepts that demonstrate the societal consciousness of the community. Some have argued that the fact that King Mwanga II showed no resistance to his gay orientation means that African society, at some level, can adapt to the realities of the community. Individuals are gaining the courage to publicly proclaim their sexual identities. The collective sacred perspectives of sex and sexuality have also conditioned women’s relationship with men and their freedom of expression in African societies.
Furthermore, there is a growing awkward attribution of spiritual relevance and status to certain African individuals as the continent tilts toward spiritual symbolism. The conception is that the spiritual status of some people gives them particular ritual proficiency, making that class of people vulnerable and bringing Africa to negative light. Taking humans as ritual objects increases the rate of crime, violence, and ritual killings. Women, pregnant women, people with disabilities, children, twins, hunchbacks, and others have become the most sought-after ritual materials in African societies. As a result, ritualization should not be seen as some nonsensical belief but as meaningful violence that should have no iota of possibility of hiding under ignorance. Values are often placed carelessly. Nigeria, Uganda, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Namibia, Mali, Liberia, and others are examples of countries where the ritualization of humans has become an issue.
Children and youth are kidnapped for ritual viability and proficiency in giving strength. One 80-year-old Mrs. Chidi and a 39-year-old Reymond Rejoice kidnapped three children in Anambra for rituals, resulting in the battering and breaking of their arms in 2019. In Ivory Coast, there was a report of the kidnapping of 21 children for rituals, with many of them found dead between December 2014 and January 27, 2015. The case is not better for women, as from January 2018 to December 2021, it was reported that about 150 girls and women were killed in Niger Delta. In Ogota, ten girls were victims of ritual killing in January 2022. Women are seen to be special in Africa, and their body parts are often given higher prices in the human parts market. Their fluids, menstrual wastes, private parts, virginity, and others are attractive elements for these ritual killers.
Stealing, selling, and ritualizing menstrual pads and waste has been a major issue for a while, and, at a young age, women are often taught how to keep those treasures from public views and others’ accessibility. It was reported that, at a point, people were ready to pay as much as R20,000 to R60,000 for stolen menstrual pads. In August 2020, a lady claimed that her boyfriend, Gbemisola Olufusi, a Yahoo Boy, stole her pads for a ritual at a pastor’s place in Ondo town, Nigeria. Women’s bodies are found with mutilated breasts around Africa, and concerns are not channelled to the right corners. Who knows the number of women in seclusion who have been secretly and violently abused and killed? This is why when discussions on the freedom of women and the relaxation of conservative social norms around their status are raised, it is not just to attack the ego of some prejudicial males but to salvage millions of them from physical and psychological damage.
Ritualization mentality often shows in the understanding of people with disabilities. Several of them, especially those who are psychiatrically and psychologically disturbed, are believed to always be conversing with some djinn, anjonu, or evil spirits. Their state of mind is thought to increase their ritual values and makes them scarce in the nebulous markets. More scarce ritually objectified humans are the albinos and hunchbacks, who are accorded more significant spiritual peculiarity. “Albinos is a spirit, and the hunch of a hunchback is of immeasurable value,” so they think. One Ifeoma Angela Igwe, was killed and got her hunch mutilated in 2011; Adeoye Dowo became a victim at the hands of a hunch-sourcing girlfriend and three other men; and the reports of ritualization of hunchbacks in the Ashanti region’s Bibiani town of Ghana leave little to desire.
Ritual relevance is a rationalization of the marginalization of the classes above. There is a de-secularization interpretation of modernity and development in Africa. While importing new culture and identity is seen as an expansion of developmental positivity in several other places, some of these changes are interpreted as the degeneration of cultures and social values that a doomsday could visit. It does not make “barbarians” out of Africans, as every society often has overriding sentiments reflected in their social values.
The epistemological understanding of the continent dwells so much on the duality of nature and reality–spiritual and physical. Therefore, the consequentialist perception of Africa is married solidly with spiritualism, among other things. From this perspective, secularized positions and development are de-secularized as degeneration and underdevelopment. It explains the reinforcement behind the recalcitrance in holding on to marginalizing ideologies. Hence, without conceptualizing spiritual understanding, issues around LGBTQI+, women, children, and others cannot be understood and addressed.
Also, the patriarchal nature of African societies underscores the institutional antagonism experienced in the continent. Often, a societally instilled domineering orientation pushes women down the ladder of social order. It subjects them to gender violence, apathy, discrimination, and several untold hardships. There could be patriarchal societies without necessarily putting women through inhuman treatment. However, when there is a backing of religious fundamentalism that stretches the distance between the two genders and puts one too far above the other, the extremes of patriarchy become overbearing. This is the case of societies that subject women to compulsory seclusions. In cases where it is the honest view and conviction of a woman to be in seclusion, it must be allowed, but African societies must look out for willingness in the social conditioning of women. This would be after attempting to expose these women to alternatives and leave them to choose the lives they want for themselves. Do not impose the veils on her if she does not want it! She is not a lesser human to anyone!
Mind you, aggressive cultural diffusion of these values that stop the marginalization of LGBTQI+ persons cannot be achieved without considering all the conceptualizations stated above. It means there can only be gradual injections of these values from critical perspectives that reenact social habits and norms. The film industry, media houses, social agencies, and opinion leaders are pivotal in stopping the incessant killings of innocents and inhuman treatment. To ensure social consciousness and awareness of diversity and marginal identities, one must go from the grassroots and stop the top-to-bottom approach.
Every person is human first before any ideological diversity or identity. These might be core to the definitions of human orientations, but it does not leave out the humanity in everyone. You can stay at the high towers of your religious fundamentalism or any form of hegemony; whatever values you attach to human lives will never erase the fact that they are human. Hence, all human rights and privileges must be enjoyed by all humans, even if they are gay, lesbian, queer, hunchbacks, women, albinos, or villagers. African governments and institutions must raise efforts towards enforcement of the laws that are dead in their letters.
People with albinism, hunchbacks, women, and other identities are not sacrificial lambs for aspirational mobility; they are humans and should be treated as such.
(Part 2 of the Extract of the 2023 Audrey Richards Distinguished Public Lecture, University of Cambridge, June 7, 2023).
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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