Opinion
Deep Thinking Nigeria’s Future: Another Angle
Published
1 year agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
There is a deep sense in which the current japa phenomenon—the alarming spate of Nigerian youth leaving the country in droves—is an indictment of the many years of bad leadership Nigerians have endured.
When the EndSARS protests occurred in 2020, it was the moment Nigerian youth were protesting against the deleterious state of the Nigerian state, represented by the galloping youth unemployment statistics and the lack of sufficiently impactful policy attention to their plight by successive Nigerian governments. And those protests did not end well. And so, we can connect the dots between the legitimacy of the Nigerian youths protesting for their right to a better future, and their communicating with their feet to indict a state that wants to silence their demand for a better life.
And that existential flight of the Nigerian youth further adds a terrible debilitating dent on Nigeria’s capacity to achieve her development agenda. And the reason is clear. Nigeria, like the African continent, is a demographically youthful country that is already primed for developmental achievement. And only waiting for a fuse. Its youth bulge places it in a unique position to swing a human capital coup that will transform her developmentally through harnessing the youthful energies in various dimensions of the nation’s economic progress. Unfortunately, the EndSARS protests and how they were handled tell a different story about government’s readiness to deploy the youth bulge. This, in a capsule, is the Nigerian post-independence predicament.
To recapitulate, Nigeria has not progressed too far beyond Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s political skepticism about Nigeria’s national credentials. As at the immediate post-independence period, Awolowo was certain Nigeria was a mere geographical expression. There was not yet at that time any fabric of national sense of belonging that could have fostered national integration. Nigeria is now sixty-three years old, and I doubt there is yet any way by which we have transcended Awolowo’s skepticism about Nigeria’s national unity. This national stagnancy becomes all the more poignantly tragic if placed side by side the development progress that has characterized countries like Malaysia and Singapore—countries that were on the same pedestal with Nigeria sixty-three years ago, but that have leapt beyond their underdevelopment.
The same type of ideological pragmatism that elevated Singapore beyond the western-generated ideologies and development paradigms has been missing in Nigeria’s development trajectory. On the contrary, since independence, the Nigerian state has remained deeply mired in several theoretical discourses, from structural dependency to global neoliberal capitalism in the shape of the Washington Consensus moderated by the World Bank and the IMF.
Outside of a possible ideological direction Nigeria could take, all other issues have fallen through into the crack of national misdirection. One example suffices. And this is Nigeria’s lopsided federalism founded on a unitary centralism which fails to allow the federating units to develop according to their unique comparative advantage which enables development competition. And the unitary centralization has since become the opportunity for more primitive accumulation by Nigeria’s political class whose collective greed has generated a Richman-Lazarus complex: the impoverishment of Nigerians through the accumulation of 90% of the wealth in the hands of just 1% of the population.
In Singapore and other industrialized economies, the elite and political class act in a supposed counterintuitive manner. Let me illustrate with an apocryphal story regarding Lee Kuan Yew. He was asked about the dynamics of the actions he took, together with the political class in Singapore, that drastically made the state a developmental state. He was alleged to have said: “There were two options for me. Either I get corrupted and put my family in the Forbes list of the richest people in the world and leave my people with nothing. Or, I serve my country, my people and let my country be in the list of the best ten economies in the world. I chose the second option.” Lee Kuan Yew chose to believe in Singapore, and to invest his leadership capacity in her future possibility. Singapore’s developmental state generated the strategic framework that made it possible to (a) implement sound macroeconomic policies that could alleviate poverty, create employment, and grow a strong, sustainable and competitive economy that could facilitate the well-being of the citizens, (b) promote popular participation that can lead to the indigenous ownership of the development agenda, (c) built a sound institution of public administration that is professional, citizen-friendly, technology-enabled and meritocratic, with a capability readiness to efficiently achieve service delivery, and (d) mobilize state resources, administer budgets and manage public finances productively, transparently and accountably.
In Nigeria, the political class has been motivated by the first option that the elite who take their countries seriously, and gamble on development, often reject. And this leads to a genuine interest in the conceptual understanding of the question: who is a politician in Nigeria? This is a question that critically resonates with me and my professional endeavor. It is definitely a very tough time being a political scientist in Nigeria and trying to fathom the political dynamics of a state that has resisted almost all political analyses. But being a politician is a different ball game entirely. And I have often asked myself, despite the politician’s relative positioning in the critical space for change management: do I have the capacity to function as a politician in Nigeria? In my inaugural lecture, I leaned on Max Weber’s distinction between “living for politics” and “living from politics.” Of course, the two are not mutually exclusive, as Weber also recognized. Living for politics signals a vocational endeavor that sees politics as the means for achieving some noble cause that could enhance the betterment of a state and her citizens. But then, such a politician could also have to make her living from politics. living for a cause could also mean living from such cause. On the contrary, however, there could also be a situation where a person could live from politics without living for it, or making it a means to greater ends.
Living off politics without an underlying cause that makes politics a means to an end of development and progress. This is the essence of the bad politics that the average Nigerian politician is known for. “Who is a Nigerian politician?” is therefore a fundamental question that goes to the heart of the place and role of the political elite in nation-building. Apart from the Lee Kuan Yew example, Arnold Toynbee made the crucial argument that civilizations are distinguished by the prominence of creative minorities—“those who proactively respond to a civilization’s crisis and whose response allows that civilization to grow.” In A Study of History, Toynbee’s argument is that every civilization has a spiritual dimension that can be restored or renewed. It is that creative minority that Nigeria needs in order to recuperate her national greatness through institutional renewal and developmental resurgence. This is the noble cause that demands living for politics; that brings the politician and the institutional reformer together. It is in this sense that I could ever fathom staying in the corridor of political power—the hope that a set of political class could whip up the political will to push through specific sets of reforms that will constitute the core of national regeneration.
Nigeria’s future is a delicate one that could only be righted through a visionary leadership coalition between the political class and the institutional reformers, working together to strategically redirect Nigeria’s ship of state. The political elite, like Lee Kuan Yew and his band of revolutionaries, must first commit elite suicide and be resurrected as allies of Nigerians, armed with an ideological coherence that mobilizes youthful human capital, comprehensive institutional reforms and strategic policy intelligence to generate a development agenda that will stimulate a productivity paradigm geared towards infrastructural development. All these coalesce into the political will, for instance, to reengineer the business model that powers the public service through the MDAs in terms of performance management, human resource management and productivity. And transforming the public service into a formidable engine that marks Nigeria’s entry into the fourth industrial revolution demands, as a fundamental imperative, the recruitment of a new breed of transformational professionals that are knowledgeable and technologically-savvy to push the bounds of the civil service as a world class institution into the twenty-first century.
Transforming Nigeria into the image of our desire is first a function of a recalcitrant optimism; the belief in the possibility of Nigeria, united and developing positively. The optimism that the beautiful ones have been born already and are waiting for that strategic realignment of leadership on which Nigeria’s qualitative metamorphosis depends. Says Bob Iger, the CEO at Disney: “What I’ve really learned over time is that optimism is a very, very important part of leadership.” What will lead to elite suicide in the first place is the willing optimism of the political class to gamble on development, on the hope that Nigeria and her diversity can be harnessed for a better development agenda. Gambling on Nigeria demands initiating a political cause worth living and dying for; it implies lighting the fuse of development by opting for the option of serving Nigeria.
. Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor of Public Administration .
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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