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Isese, The Ilorin Saga And Nigeria’s  Development Future

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Prof. Tunji Isese

By Tunji Olaopa

When we say that Nigeria is a contradiction, the statement encapsulates the many manifestations of the possibilities and limitations that Nigeria embodies in her sixty-three years of statehood. One instance suffices. Nigeria is blessed with immense human and material resources. She is presently a youthful country in demographic terms. This means that her youth bulge presents her with a unique capacity to translate her development agenda. And yet, Nigeria has failed in almost all human capital indices, from being the worst place for a child to be born to being one of the most insecure places on the globe. Nigeria is currently the poverty capital of the world! And we see the manifestation of Nigeria’s seemingly intractable underdevelopment on an almost daily basis, especially when we listen to the news or even witness the events ourselves.

I am forced to this reflective point by the recent Ilorin saga that has become a reiteration of one of Nigeria’s national woes—and contradictions. As the narrative goes, a traditional priestess was warned by an Islamic group to desist from going on with her proposed isese or heritage festival. And the reason is because it connotes “idolatry” in a context that is supposedly known for Islamic religious purity. And the group obviously got the backing of the emir of Ilorin who is signing up for peace by sacrificing religious tolerance. This event drew the ire of the Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka. And his missive to the emir is, as usual, a masterpiece of enlightened awareness wrapped in cultural inclusivity. 

Like most zones and regions, Ilorin in this context becomes a microcosm of the Nigerian state. There is a lopsided federal constitution which decreed that there shall be no state religion, and yet religious sensibilities constitute one of the foundations of insecurity in Nigeria. Various religious groups wield the sword of fundamentalism that threatens the constitutional basis of religious pluralism or ecumenical unity in Nigeria. The Boko Haram insurgents are one veritable testament to the failure of the constitution to modulate religious relations. 

And yet, as various social and political commentators have noted, Ilorin is a study in sociocultural complexities that cannot be suavely reduced to the need for peace supervised by Islamic threat of violence. That is the fundamental contradiction in the emir’s response to Prof. Wole Soyinka. The Fulani dynasty that was enforced on Ilorin met a Yoruba cultural heritage that it successfully subordinated and eventually supplanted. And yet, that did not thoroughly eradicate the remnant of that Yoruba culture from surviving and multiplying within the crevices of the Ilorin Islamic “purity”. But no one is bothered by the cultural and religious hypocrisy of trumpeting Islam and its piety while secretly appealing to Yoruba traditional practices and mores. And thus, the religious narrative in Ilorin smoothens over a complex history of Yoruba heritage from which the Fulani dynasty, represented by the emir, is benefiting, and yet refused to allow a traditional worshipper organize a programme which had no component that could threaten the peace the authority is worried about—except that that peace is already threatened by the Islamic group’s escalation of an innocuous cultural event! 

I am a Pentecostal Christian by profession. And yet this does not prevent me from a critical perception of the grievous harm done by fundamentalist thinking that seeks to obscure Nigeria’s rich sociocultural trajectory, and more importantly undermine her diversity capital. And I concede the virulent role that Christianity—especially in its Pentecostal mode—has played in undermining and negating African rich cultural heritage. A rough sampling of gospel music—a la Tope Alabi—speaks to the rate at which what most of the singers dismiss, say, Ifá and the babaláwo as powerless. This is despite even the Christian scripture recognizing the existence of powers. The real point is that the two Abrahamic religions—Islam and Christianity—flouted the tolerance code of the traditional African religions that made it possible for them to flourish in the first place. This is what made it possible for the state to side with Islam in Ilorin, in support  of the muzzling of an isese event by a traditional worshipper. 

Most readers are already familiar with the Ali Mazrui and the thesis of the Africa’s triple heritage framework. Postcolonial Africa is now redefined, by historical circumstances, by three religious and sociocultural traditions: Christianity, Islam and traditional African cultures. And their ecumenical cohabitation was largely the function of how accommodating the traditional African religious framework is. I am a witness to this cultural reality, and indeed to Africa’s traditional religious accommodationist capacity not only to accept the foreign and the strange, but to equally produce a syncretist mix that attests to its ecumenical spirit. Indeed, I believe strongly, and most who witnessed this period in Africa’s history will agree, that I am a better person—more open-minded—by the exposure to that triple heritage and its expansive framework that allowed me to benefit from the best that the three religions could provide in terms of social relations and ethical responsibility vis-à-vis other humans. I learnt the value and virtue of empathy and tolerance, as well as the fundamental benefit of being open-minded and accommodating of others who are different and other. 

These are values that Nigeria’s plural circumstance would have benefitted also from the triple heritage condition. Except that Christianity and Islam fail to abandon a triumphalist and exclusionary disposition that criminalizes non-Christian and non-Islamic religious formations in the name of a fundamentalist monotheism. There is only one God, and He is Christian or Muslim! You are therefore either a Christian/Muslim or an infidel. There is no middle ecumenical ground. The tolerance that Christianity or Islam preaches, as religions of peace, becomes insignificant when dealing with an unbeliever or even another religion. 

Let us return to history again. When Max Weber wrote about the Protestant ethic, he referenced the relationship between the ascetic spirit promoted by Protestants in modern Europe and the emergence of the dynamics of capitalism. Modernity, for Weber, therefore, has a direct correlation with religion. In other words, Calvinists, for example, looked to worldly progress as the sign of their being already eternally saved. Profit-making therefore became the sure sign of God’s favor. The same correlation could be observed in the relationship between the Confucian ethical framework and the rise of the Asian Tigers, from Singapore to Taiwan. The values of cooperation, self-cultivation, self-control, social obligation, education and consensus played a significant role in adapting Confucianism into the trajectory of modernization that explained the miracle of the Asian development narratives. For Confucius, the problems of civilization, morality and politics are intrinsically tied in with the humans and the nature of values that define them. Hence, Confucian humanism seeks a correlation between the human and nature, politics and society. And no one has ever doubted the global impact of the Jews and the role that Judaism has played in their sense of world-making. It is in this same sense that Ubuntu constitutes a possible ideological framework for Africa in the world. 

And yet, we lack that singular understanding of the role that culture plays in the development agenda of any state. Culture matters because it provides the springboard for deploying the values, attitudes, beliefs, virtues and those critical assumptions and dispositions around which human progress is defined and achieved. These are the cultural elements that facilitate the capacity of any people or state to rethink and reform its path to economic and political development. All this leads to even larger concerns about national integration in a country that is finding it difficult to achieve a civic nationalism that could serve as the launchpad for redefining a culture change that produces the type of value—like the Protestant ethic—imperative for transforming economic development. 

But then, what is more pragmatic and beneficial than the collective value orientations of Nigeria’s diversity collected into one cultural framework for honing our developmental paradigm? Nigeria’s federal constitution possesses the potential to draw on the cultural strength inherent in Nigeria’s ethnocultural diversity. Even more: Nigeria has the capacity to harness the triple heritage of the African continent as the fulcrum for generating a cultural framework that draws on Christianity, Islam and traditional African cultural heritage to process a vision of human progress. As a Christian, I am convinced, outside of any absolutist and exclusionary mindset, that the Ubuntu ethical framework can find complements in the Christian and Islamic religious framework to modulate a relational value structure around which the modernization and development of the Nigerian state can be facilitated. This is what the triple heritage thesis promises; a promise that has been shredded within the intolerant furnace of religious fundamentalism. 

And it takes the transformation of the mindsets of the adherent of Christianity and Islam to reflect that if out of three fundamental religions that operate in Nigeria, two are at each other’s throat in their bid to assimilate God, then something must be worth borrowing in the tolerant posture of the third religion. It is this openness to others that the Ilorin religious elites must relearn as part of their genuine understanding of what religious sensibility demands in a plural society. Eventually, knowledge is not only power, it opens the gateway for self-liberation and societal development. 

. Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and  Professor of Public Administration. .tolaopa2003@gmail.com

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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