Opinion
Who Cares To Push A Wheelchair?
Published
1 year agoon
Who Cares To Push A Wheelchair?
By Claire P. Ayelotan
As csonflict and warfare have long cast their dark hue across human history, taking an especially devastating toll upon vulnerable groups such as tea women, children, older people and people with disabilities. Women find themselves caught between society’s structures and war’s brutal realities – often overshadowed by political discourse or battle strategies – while at the same time providing us with poignant stories of resilience, sacrifice and an undying human spirit. We should ask: who bears the brunt of war amidst chaos? And, more profoundly, who cares?
Indiscriminate violence has long been a plague on humanity, leaving lasting psychological, social, and economic scars on communities and nations around the globe. At its root lies power control – where those with authority have unchecked control of those they oppress–with no meaningful external checks on this power. Oppressors often believe they have carte blanche to pursue inhuman goals against oppressed parties with little fear of consequences from such assaults. Dynamically, this phenomenon plays out when those in power perceive no limit to their authority as opposed to taking drastic actions against victims without regard for future repercussions or fear repercussions from these dynamics play out violently!
(c) Claire Princess Ayelotan
External forces often bolster this sense of invincibility for oppressors by tacitly condoning or endorsing their actions, encouraging oppressors to believe their violence will go unpunished, further fuelling violence. As external entities – whether nations, international organisations, or global coalitions – continue their support, perpetrators must be held responsible and accountable. No one should feel invincible against the law!
Historical examples of such conflicts include (i) South African Apartheid from 1948 to 1994, during which minority white governments exerted oppressive control of majority black populations; (ii) the Rwanda Genocide of 1994 due to ethnic tensions between Hutus and Tutsis led to an estimated massacre where roughly 800,000 Tutsis were murdered by extremist Hutu militia groups; and (iii) Balkan ethnic conflicts following Yugoslavia’s disintegration.
History appears to be repeating itself, which can be disheartening. We witness wars across different nations while facing new forms of apartheid where impunity reigns supreme. Suffering has expanded into forced displacement, violations of people’s legitimate rights and merciless killing. Women, children, elderly persons and people with disabilities are most at risk of oppression. Women during wartime are especially susceptible to harm due to societal structures, physical constraints and conflicts that contribute to increased vulnerability. Beyond immediate risks posed by conflicts themselves, female soldiers face greater chances of sexual and gender-based violence. Caregiving families may shoulder additional responsibility while also facing displacement or livelihood loss; one thing remains clear – war must be understood from both gendered perspectives to understand its dynamics effectively. Men were responsible for starting this conflict; however, women bore most of its brunt. Catharine McKinnon, an influential American legal scholar and activist on gender equality, sexual harassment, and abuse, has asked this poignant question in her book Are Women Human? Other International Dialogues explore how women’s rights are being violated or sidelined within international legal dialogue, criticising its inadequacies in dealing with systemic issues such as sexual violence in wartime, trafficking, or any form of gender-based violence.
One must question where women’s rights stand during the war when women in oppressors’ camps are protected from shellings and suffering, while in oppressed camps, their lives barely escape violent assaults on an almost daily basis. This tension points to the immense injustice and complexity of the conflict. Wars only exacerbate existing inequalities between society members and power dynamics between states. Conflict can expose women who already live marginalised lives to multiple rights violations, including forced displacement, sexual violence, and livelihood loss, as well as trauma associated with witnessing or experiencing atrocities. When women are selectively protected from facing these horrors of war while others are disproportionately affected, it raises serious ethical and human rights considerations.
Can Babies Carry Guns? The alarming number of children who have been caught in the crossfire of armed conflicts raises questions as to whether our world has become increasingly unsafe for innocent minors affected by war and also raises a red flag of caution about its danger. Given all the instances where infants have been exposed to violence – both at birth and as they shelter in hospitals or their own homes – one cannot help but question whether these young lives can remain secure in their surroundings. Children living through war often remain among the most vulnerable members of society and suffer from unspeakable atrocities that often go ignored due to more pressing matters. At its core, witnessing the killing of parents by oppressors can have devastating repercussions for an individual’s mental well-being and development. Anger from such traumatising experiences may manifest later as the drive to confront and challenge those responsible. Therefore, one should never underestimate their power to retaliate and resist perpetrators of atrocities.
While it is likely that most vulnerable groups can escape dangerous situations and zones during conflict, those residing within category four might not fare well. For instance, who would care to look out for blinds before leaving an unsafe zone? As they say, who cares about pushing a wheelchair when bombs are about to fall from above? Certainly, people (and children) with disabilities (PWD) will become the most significant casualties after any conflict ends, which is almost inevitable. Many of these individuals experience complex challenges and an increase in vulnerability during times of war; their lives become collateral damage as their needs often go unmet. Without being met appropriately, they become susceptible to discrimination, abuse, neglect, and abandonment by authorities and local citizens alike.
Article 11 of the 2008 Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) emphasises the necessity of safeguarding PWDs during armed conflicts; however, their practical implementation remains an enormous challenge. International organisations, governments, and humanitarian agencies should prioritise addressing the rights and needs of PWD during emergencies or conflict situations. Undoubtedly, these people are perceived as burdens that should not exist in society. Pre-war PWDs already had enough challenges due to others’ perceptions and the limitations imposed upon them; additional obstacles exacerbate the difficulty PWDs must deal with when operating within war zones. Indeed, their ordeals intensify because the focus is always on survival. When people are caught up in conflict situations, they prioritise their safety over others, often sacrificing their immediate family or others in pursuit of safety.
Thus, PWDs make up most war casualties due to limited mobility, dependence on specific facilities or caregivers for care, and society’s discriminatory views against them, making them particularly susceptible in times of warfare. Even when they reach IDP Camps on their own or with assistance, this does not ensure their safety because they may need to adjust to new settings that do not accommodate their disabilities. PWDs with chronic pathologies such as multiple sclerosis may require regular intensive care that must not be interrupted for their safety. IDP camps that lack specialist healthcare can have severe and devastating repercussions for individuals living with severe and complex medical issues. Lack of access to essential medications, treatments, and support services has led many of those within that demographic to be at increased risk during warfare, and their vulnerability is exponentially increasing without crucial access. Additionally, war’s inherent dangers – bombings, shootings, and forced relocations – combined with PWD’s unique challenges can result in an intense period of hardship.
Further complications: The effects of conflict tend to fall disproportionately in PWD communities. Even when they survive immediate dangers, destruction of infrastructure, healthcare facilities, and social support networks poses long-term threats to their well-being and survival. Humanitarian efforts must prioritise PWD safety and well-being during conflict, including ensuring that their casualty data accurately represents them to gain an understanding of its extent and develop appropriate interventions.
Question of Blame for PWD Plight in War Zones When conflict becomes the basis for conflict and oppression in war zones, who is to be held responsible? Ultimately, responsibility rests with those initiating and perpetuating such violence, but regardless of who started or perpetuated said violence, society as a whole needs to respond appropriately or not at all when people with disabilities (PWD) find themselves suffering under attack; ethical considerations associated with their plight become essential components. The three groups fall along this continuum.
- Oppressors who instigate and sustain conflicts shoulder much of their responsibilities. Their actions create chaotic environments which disproportionately harm vulnerable populations, such as PWDs; should they disregard civilian well-being–particularly vulnerable civilians – they directly contribute to suffering and fatalities among civilians.
- Bystanders/Nondisabilities: It has long been recognised that individuals tend to avoid helping when others are present; during wartime, this effect becomes particularly powerful as fear, self-preservation instincts, and the overwhelming nature of situations prevent individuals from intervening unless it directly threatens themselves or loved ones’ wellbeing. Although human nature emphasises protection above helping when possible, individuals still owe an ethical responsibility to help those most in need when possible.
- Broader International Community: If global powers or organisations that know of atrocities but fail to take meaningful steps to intervene or provide support are aware but do nothing, they also bear some responsibility.
Deliberating upon one narrative can be dangerous. While both oppressors and victims can justify their violence as necessary for self-defence, understanding who is authentic or not becomes far less pressing when considering casualty counts on the ground–particularly that suffered by PWDs.
As much as we may want to pretend not to notice or consider others’ suffering during a war or crisis, history will hold us responsible. No one can avoid paying their dues; looking the other way is both morally wrong and an abdication of collective responsibility – history has proven otherwise; societies or individuals that ignore atrocities or remain passive against injustice often endure lasting guilt repercussions for doing so, as well as historical judgement against themselves or society at large.
George Santayana’s “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it” in his artwork, The Life of Reason, 1905, illustrates the necessity of acknowledging, confronting, and learning from historical injustices and tragedies. Society should examine past actions (or inactions) to prevent future transgressions while cultivating cultures of empathy, compassion, and responsibility.
Opinion
Act Now To End Witchcraft Accusations And Ritual Attacks
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025Opinion
Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025By Dooyum Dominic Ingye
Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.
Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.
For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.
Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.
Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.
During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.
Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.
The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.
Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.
These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.
For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.
These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.
To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.
This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.
Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
Let me begin this essay with an open confession – by “open confession” I mean my saying it loud here about writing or speaking about this column’s present subject without difficulty. He is a man, a literary personage of distinction, whose writing span covers years upon years running into decades of verbal self-expression of longitude and latitude of dexterity. Where do I begin and end my scrutiny of Professor Emeritus Femi Osofisan – a distinguished literary scholar and professional of numerous parts that are more than numerous parts? He is a writer who is intimately concerned with imaginative literature; he is an academic/literary administrator; he is a theorist and critic; he is a playwright and dramatist; he is a novelist, biographer and short story writer; he is a newspaper columnist; he is a teacher and mentor; he is a poet, he is, he is a poet. In these listed parts and landscapes, so to say, in which we can rightly examine him without qualms, he so fittingly, so skillfully and so penetratingly distinguishes himself to the extent that we cannot or may not but see him as a literary personality whose stories constitute a story of how his imagination is kindled by experiences, that is, by happenings that were/are intrinsically insignificant and significant at the same time. What this means (to me) is that Femi Osofisan is one gem of a human being and a writer who appeals to me as a significant embodiment of our world, of our landscape, and his response to it.
Now my difficulty about writing about Femi Osofisan today should be apparent to my readers. I cannot possibly dwell on everything I have listed above – as important as they are because I really set out to view him as a poet, a well-languaged poet, of “a particularly wholesome or edifying matter of communication,” as TS Eliot would say. His two recent volumes of new and selected poems respectively called Remember Tenderness (Volume 1) and The Jeweller of Night (Volume 2: On Night and Life’s Mutations) represent faithfully and interestingly what Femi Osofisan (Okinba Launko – his pen name – in publishing the volumes) essentially means to me from my perspective or impression of the qualities of the poems that well define him as a considerable figure in the world of poetry and of letters generally.
In drawing my readers’ attention to Okinba Launko’s new and old offerings in this light exercise, I am not too certain if I should stick squarely to a run of the mill newspaper critique or do the run of the grain on a piece of wood reading distinct in a lavish manner from the former. Which one will delight my readers – my sophisticated and un-sophisticated readers – more? My rumination on the matter fetches me this answer: “Employ what inspiration fetches you to fit into the scheme of the length of time of your purpose and position at present.”
As a poet, what school of poetry does Okinba Launko belong to in our clime as his volumes reveal? Furthermore, what generation of poetry Okinba Launko’s volumes belong to – as the volumes equally reveal? What span of years do they cover or seem to cover in terms of the generations of poetry in our age and clime? These are weighty and difficult questions. I was a young man, a young under-graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria trying my hands at poetry and learning to hone my writing skills as a poet or would-be poet. Of course, at this time the great Chinua Achebe had published me in Okike, the very remarkable journal of new African writing he founded, and which is still existing. And my poems had appeared in Poetry From ABU edited by Brian F. Downes, an Irish, and one of our under-graduate lecturers who supervised my collection of poems which I submitted in my final year as the requirement for the Original Composition Course which I was the lone student allowed and expected to offer the course. I cannot remember at this time that I had encountered Femi Osofisan’s name or figure in the world of our literature. But something happened when the late novelist Kole Omotosho visited ABU’s English Department to deliver a lecture to us. After the lecture I remember asking him a question that bordered on the generation(s) of Nigerian Literature. I don’t remember that he answered the question to my literary or critical satisfaction. As the editor of the students’ Departmental literary magazine, The Mirror and one of the founders of ABU Writers’ Club, I was looking for masters outside the class or the generation of Achebe, Soyinka, JP Clark, Christopher Okigbo and others – who would stir us to write what we wanted to write. My stubbornly inquisitive insistence elicited Femi Osofisan’s name from him – but the poetry of the young Osofisan did not exist for me; it certainly did not ring a bell.
Let me relate another encounter. As an undergraduate, Onibonoje Publishers, Ibadan had accepted to publish several of my poems in an anthology – in which other poets – aspiring and established ones – would also be published. Just before I graduated Onibonoje Publishers sent me their contract papers which I duly filled, signed and dispatched to them. When I did not hear from them after a long time that was more than a pretty long time, after my NYSC year, and I was already in Zaria as a Graduate Assistant, I travelled to Ibadan. Who did I meet there in the publishers’ office – but Kole Omotosho? He told me after hearing my story that Femi Osofisan was the editor of the envisaged anthology committed to the kind of poetry that world allow young writers/poets to use their voices to lead other younger ones the use of their own voices in an original manner. Up to this moment, even though we had ceaselessly seen or met each other at different times, I had not raised the issue with Osofisan whose figure has since loomed large in our consciousness. (Kole Omotosho informed me then in Ibadan that Onibonoje Publishers had some publishing hiccups which I presumed was why the anthology did not eventually see the light of the day).
Now, why this lengthy tale? It is germane, from my point of view, to the matter of the generation of poetry Okinba Launko two volumes that are well-languaged belong to. If at the time I alluded to Femi Osofisan had not made a name as a poet, but as a play-wright and dramatist, can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a predecessor? And from another point of view can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a contemporary? The year I mean in this reference to the master of drama and now of poetry after the generation of the big four – Achebe, JP Clark, Soyinka and Okigbo – is from 1975 on.
To be Continued.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.