Opinion
Toyin Falola And The Art Of Of Intellectual Provocation
Published
1 year agoon

By Serges Kamga
The 54th Convocation Lecture by Professor Toyin Falola, held at the University of Lagos in January 2024, has become a global document. A theme on decolonization, his recommendations went viral. As to his suggestions to tap into epistemic knowledge in Ifa, the Pentecostals pounced on them, just as the missionaries of the nineteenth century ruthlessly attacked Yoruba religion as “paganism”. In not understanding what Falola is suggesting, they confused epistemology with practice. Epistemologies are how we know how other people think and then convert that knowledge into philosophies. Falola himself is not a Babalawo!
Those totally unfamiliar with Falola’s provocative methodology need to read my forthcoming long book, Power, Politics and African Agency, in the works of Toyin Falola. In this book, I argued that only a few scholars have centralized Africa far more than Falola. And in so doing, he belongs to the league of Wilmot Blyden, Cheikh Anta Diop, W.E.B. Dubois, and Molefi Asante, all of whom breathe Africa. Falola has become a canonical figure. But if we fully understand Blyden, Diop and Asante, no one can fully grasp the essence of what Abdul Bangura calls Falolaism. My book, the twelfth on a mysterious personality, will not be the last.
It was in the process of conducting interviews for my book that I came across the profound statement attributed to the distinguished Emeritus Professor of Political Science and Law, A. B. Assensoh. To him, Falola visits your campus to give a lecture and sets it on fire. As I understand his strategy, he makes the most provocative statement you can imagine, and before the audience departs, he is nowhere to be found. “Where is the back exit door,” he is fond of asking. If you are in a conference with him, while most people want to be seen and socialize, he disappears. That disappearance itself becomes magical: “Did he come; where is he?” Perhaps, after his presentation, he left for the airport to give another lecture.
As I study him, I notice that the man and his ideas are cultivated to rupture existing knowledge. He did so even in my house at a social event where, weeks after he left, we kept talking about what he said. He did so at the University of South Africa, where he first presented his ideas on “ritual archives”, an essay that is now part of classroom text. He did so in a lecture on social engineering, where he advocated polygamy. How can a monogamist create a far-reaching justification for polygamy, which is now legal in South Africa, Cameroon, and Kenya? He called for the abolition of Departments to be replaced by new ones. He asked for the creation of the Department of Kingship. His recommendations before bodies such as the African Union are so provocative that he has become extremely unique. If Wole Soyinka is heavy on political activism, he is weak on suggestions to transform the continent. If Falola is weak in political activism, he is heavy in policy recommendations. Both have become canonical figures for different reasons.
Albert Einstein’s profound quote that ‘Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results’ remains in public memory because it speaks directly to the human family unhinged by pressure to make generational changes. This quote resonates with Falola, given his prolonged and valuable examination of the human mind through interactions with them and the discovery that Einstein is right. Falola’s contributions to intellectual engagements, as I argued in my forthcoming book, have always provoked controversial conversations owing to his original and productive perspectives, which he offers when the time calls for it.
A very recent example is the one associated with the convocation lecture, which he was privileged to offer in Lagos. As usual, he made uncomfortable recommendations on the harder ways by which Africans can progressively advance their civilization and challenge others for a global impact, and the positions he held and recommendations that he made all have generated heated debate in ways that accentuate familiar knowledge of things that he projects to the world.
I suspect, as Professor Assensoh did that he finds himself in this position owing to his discovery that the hardest decisions produce vibrant results, but the process of carrying out the actions required demands courage and commitment, the two characteristics that are not common among the human family. People normally seem comfortable with situations. Falola is not unless it is better.
To that extent, his examination of the African sociopolitical and moral downtrend informed the conclusion that Africa and its people need urgent and critical orientational shifts in their understanding of what higher educational institutions should do if they are indeed interested in competing globally. For instance, the indestructible progress recorded in other continents is a testament to the installation of values into their younger generations, which they eventually converted to results across every department, including but not limited to their economy, politics, technology, and even moral ideologies.
If, as I have argued, institutions have become the sole and formal agency of information or knowledge transmission into the African mind, it is safe to conclude that this agency must transmit substantial values to the students so that there will be resounding progress in their engagements. In whatever way possible, students at that level of education are expected to attract various educational values as that would be what would transform into results individually in society and then collectively in the continent. No nation of the world grows without values, and unless graduates have values which are beyond the ordinary, we cannot but continue to experience familiar downward results. In fact, this was what informed the re-interpretation of Einstein’s quote made above.
On that note, I believe that the developers of the African school curriculum must come to the awareness that commitment to their liberating operational values is necessary to swiftly attain greater heights. Although we can blame the educational developers of the colonial and the immediate postcolonial era for certain things, we cannot in good conscience heap the blame for the lack of generational advancement of today on these beings, for they rose to the occasion of the period to fashion out what was considered best in their interest.
However, we cannot continue to sustain the colonial legacy reflected in the orientational composition of one-way educational services that separate arts and humanities from the sciences and technology. This would mean that we are still beleaguered with strange inflexibility and borderline irrationality in our educational system. The pre-European African educational systems did not make such rigid classification of knowledge. An expert in geology then, for example, was not precluded from being an established doctor if they had accumulated the requisite knowledge. It shows that their understanding of the human mind is more advanced than we have in the current time, for it seems they believed that as human can assimilate additional information, they can use the knowledge to transform their world without limitations. It was, therefore, a time of fluidity of knowledge and expertise.
That awareness was, therefore, one that motivated Falola’s plea to African universities to consider re-thinking the degrees that we offer in our educational institutions. Tertiary educational institutions would accommodate this system if the agencies of knowledge transmission there were equipped with the necessary resources that would facilitate their effective functioning. In no place is it written in the world that someone who learns computer science and is groomed for computer expertise cannot at the same time be educated as a sociologist? These courses are not mutually exclusive.
Falola’s proposition that we should consider the combination of humanities and science courses has provoked reactions because he has found himself to be an artist in intellectual provocation. In essence, that people are reacting to him is an indication of at least two things. One, it strikes their intimate chord where they begin to identify how they have placed limitations on their thinking without imagining how such limitations have impeded the actual transformation of their minds. Secondly, the protests come from some minds who are obviously comfortable with only their comfort zone. While the former represents the first two stages that humans arrive at when they want to transition to something bigger, the latter, however, indicates the refusal to explore the fertile minds that God has deposited in us all.
On this note, Falola recommends that all African agencies of knowledge transmission, that is, the educational institutions themselves, should, as a matter of practicality, consider the understanding (not the practice) of esoteric knowledge, which was otherwise eclipsed by the interception of colonial educational systems. The moment that the white individual introduced an academic institution where transmission of education is possible, he immediately marginalized the existing infrastructure of knowledge to be successful in the alienation of students from the cultural landscape and systems that naturally should be responsible for their socialization. That development, therefore, necessitated absolute and, in some cases, partial de-Africanization of people when they finally internalized the values transmitted to them through available institutions. Without visibly leaving their cultural environment, their indigenous values and cultures became inaccessible, and where they could access them, it was difficult to interact with them. Meanwhile, true development would not happen in situations where owners of an epistemological powerhouse cannot effectively interact with the associated values in the understanding that they have been mentally positioned at a great distance from it. This was the genesis of the unprovoked distance of those who have acquired colonial education in colonially installed institutions. In essence, it was the beginning of the African downward slope.
Let me break this down a little more. A medical expert inducted into a medical group would deny operations of unseen forces in the anatomical structures and designs of their patients, thereby prescribing drugs and other medical efforts, all of which would not have desirable effects, especially when the victim is confronted with supernatural problems. Unlike such experts, indigenous medical professionals would undertake a series of processes to restore their health to normalcy by undertaking responsibilities that would appeal to the unseen forces while simultaneously addressing the physical danger. The former is unable to provide effective treatment because not only can he not comprehend the dynamics of human engagements in their environment both at the physical and metaphysical level (of course, he was not taught about this in Western schools), but he also does not understand the layers of healing that are identified within the cultural landscape of his identity. It, therefore, becomes a problem for medical professionals to provide effective solutions to the myriad of these medical challenges that have confronted people from time immemorial. The right counterpoint to this would be: why are the doctors in other places more successful? The answer to this also would be that the dynamics of people’s experiences differ from culture to culture, and for that reason, they need different approaches to address those challenges that they face.
Interestingly, Falola mentioned that lecturers who are the information conveyors to the students should have their pay increased in line with the emerging realities of the current time. Of course, many of them would agree with Falola here, perhaps because it has a direct impact on their lives. But this is not the sole reason that he has said this. In the current society, it cannot be overemphasized that things are becoming increasingly difficult for an average individual and even when you are not expected to compete with the extravagant political class, you are at least expected to have access to basic qualities and a good life. Once the government is not producing these things at its expected rate, lecturers should not be denied the opportunity to create this for themselves.
Meanwhile, they can only achieve this when they are paid handsomely. Although the government has always underplayed brain drain, it remains true that every brain forfeited by the country would have unimaginable consequences in some ways. There is a need to allay the fears of the lecturers, and that can be done effectively only when we begin to remunerate them bountifully so that they can afford the basic things that their colleagues enjoy in other parts of the world. Regardless of the positions of people on the ideas suggested in Falola’s Convocation Lecture in Lagos and the proposition that he made, Falola sees his calling, as Kwame Nkrumah did, that Africa is his only project, and he will not cease to be at the frontline of advocacy for courses of action that would bring the continent to the limelight.
To end on a lighter note, the Pentecostals and the media, who continue to focus on the suggestion of Ifa and witchcraft studies, should go back to the text and locate where such a statement was made. Whenever I ask Falola while his texts follow the academic script and his presentation follows the medium of a sage, his answer is the same: “Ask Esu, the god of the crossroads”. Falola is unknowable, either in the depth of his knowledge, a boundless energy that produces ten men in one person, or the mastery of a dozen disciplines, and the art of intellectual insurgency.
.Professor Kamga is the Dean, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State, South Africa.

By Toyin Falola
People who are well-grounded in understanding the operations of the universe would quickly tell anyone who cares to listen that life is about words, signs, and symbols. Individuals in this category do not suddenly come to that knowledge midway through their life’s journey but through experiences, exposure, and study.
Regardless of their cultural identity or ideological mindset, everyone would accept that many things that happen in life are circumscribed by universal signs and symbols, which ordinary or inexperienced people may not easily understand. For example, where people are born and the environment where they grow up are vital signs that sometimes determine the trajectory of their life journey.
These things constitute what should be called signs because where we are born, and the environment where we grow up is crucial in shaping a few things in our lives, especially how we see the world or how we socialize in it, leading to the manner of which we negotiate the unfurling activities. More importantly, one’s lifelong destiny is often shaped by confident choices that humans make, especially the choice of what career path to follow or one’s ambition concerning one’s intellectual evolution. Professor Badejo’s signs and symbols of greatness are easily unmasked by his life’s series of activities, especially his career choices. Anyone expert in political science and law should excel in what they do, except if they do not have enough discipline to see themselves through.
The world has long cultivated the habit of celebrating individuals with outstanding contributions to the human world, and it is no coincidence that Professor Badejo falls into this category. The signs have always been there that an individual of his intellectual strength and persuasion cannot but contribute significantly to the straightening of things in a chaotic world, particularly in their conviction that as the world operates today, issues and activities are not orderly or in a right direction to guarantee collective advancement.
It cannot be overemphasized that every moment in human history is always dotted with a fair share of critical problems that often demand outstanding individuals’ precocious ideas and creative ingenuity. Professor Badejo is a shining example of the quest to make the world a better place. His foundation in the legal profession is deliberate, for he understands early enough that people who would dare the devil in today’s global society must understand the operations of their activities and predict human steps. This way, they can make timely decisions that would change the tides of things for the good of everyone. As already implied, the world always faces a fair share of its challenges because there are individuals who are blessed to solve issues using their intellectual strength. As a professor and a professional in legal affairs, Badejo is very grounded in dissecting international issues so that people can have a proper overview of the interplays of power and contestation in the global community. In other words, if you intend to take advantage of the vulnerable systems of the world, people like Badejo would be there, reminding you of the atrocities sparked by the parochialism of your ambitions.
It is exciting to discover that Badejo has profound knowledge of political science, which places him in good condition to understand political figures’ operations, intentions, and inclinations toward whatever actions they embark on. It, therefore, makes it more rewarding for him to use his intellect to redefine public relations through political insights so that the human world will attain progress and sustain the one they have already accomplished. That Badejo has worked in different places, especially in international locations, using his educational insights and professional skills to improve the conditions of the world speaks highly of his dedication to making an indelible impact.
I cannot state enough how vital Badejo has been. As indicated, the signs that he would make such accomplishments exemplify his career choices. While we cannot deny his commitment to such ambitions, we cannot understate how he has dedicated himself to getting the best from his knowledge. We, therefore, cannot undervalue his dedication to academic engagements, as that forms the basis of his intellectual advancement today―one which continues to brighten his life in tremendous ways. At the international level, he has served in different capacities; the summary is that he was either contracted to use his wealth of experience to save the day or use his professional expertise to provoke a change.
His efforts in community development services, especially in his involvement with the international community or non-governmental organizations, have always demanded his intellectual support. This cannot even overshadow his contributions to building the world’s human capital. It is interesting to state that Professor Badejo is a teacher who has made substantial contributions to knowledge generally. Apart from being a seasoned researcher, he has always been dominant in teaching, producing a sizeable fraction of students who underwent tutelage under him. This explains why many people can attest to how profoundly this scholar has redefined how they see the world and the things in life. Teachers hold a good place in our collective lives because they sacrifice very much to mold people’s minds correctly.
Badejo belongs to the class of educators who make incredibly critical efforts to improve Africa. He has painstakingly conducted research to study different issues, especially in areas of political science and, by extension, the legal profession. His success is significant, and he is enthusiastic in his endeavors. I should inform you that although the activity of teaching is conventionally seen as restricted to the four walls of an institution, it, however, transcends such conceptual location; teaching is what we do when we enlighten groups of people, communities of learners, and class of individuals to impact them or provoke them to change socially.
It gets more enjoyable when you know that Badejo has made an invaluable impression on us all with his solid academic publications, from which many of us today learn. In 2024, Badejo published an exemplary work titled Nigeria Corruption Perception Data. Apart from the fact that this work produces an objective overview of how the country is perceived by its citizens and the world generally, it is also an indictment of the political class about how they manage the systems and institutions in the country, thereby affecting Nigeria’s political and economic destiny in some ways. One who knows Badejo knows that such academic engagements increase his adrenaline because it will use his intellectual expertise in that domain and allow him to present his thoughts or ideas to the people. He has consistently revealed to the world the undergarments of Nigeria’s political systems, especially how it has become vulnerable in the hands of the few who control it. In what manner and character does one explain the problems of unbridled leadership compared to how neocolonial Nigerian leaders have particularly (mis)managed the country’s available resources, demonstrating their myopic imagination about the future? Issues like this are always given the necessary attention, and it explains how Badejo addresses fundamental issues, not the periphery.
Perhaps because of his intellectual depth, he has consistently produced respectable works on African democracy, using the Nigerian situation as his experiment laboratory. On many occasions, he has suggested to the political elites that they should make conscious efforts towards transforming Nigeria’s democracy and save it from whatever problems it may face. He takes this position, knowing that it is the freedom highlighted by democracy that is fundamental to the creation of a functional society, which would produce the necessary atmosphere in which people can grow. He understands that although democracy may have internal failings and even complications that could be a threat, especially when mismanaged, it remains the only avenue through which divergent thinking can be amplified so that the best ideas and approaches can be born. Such an individual cannot but be celebrated and even appreciated for their invaluable contributions to the human world. They have paid their dues and thus would always be accorded royal treatment, for their voices remind us of what we should be as a collective and not what our impulses want us to be.
On May 15, 2025, I will offer an in-person tribute and a lecture in his honor.

By Tony Afejuku
Elegant Natasha. Handsome Natasha. Beautiful Natasha. Nice Natasha. Sharp Natasha. Clever Natasha. Natasha the envy of men and women. Natasha of several qualities – above all, Natasha the rebel; Natasha a worthy rebel. Natasha a good patriot that is a worthy patriot. Everything the columnist has just stated or has just outlined or has just highlighted constitutes his interpretation of Senator (Barrister, Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s performance when she appeared before Arise News Good Morning Show on Friday, 28 February, 2025 to throw light on the drama that happened in the Senate a day or so before.
What was the drama on that day really about? What happened in the Senate between her and the Senate President was it really all about her seat re-allocation or re-assignment? Or, was it essentially about something else to entrap her – as she was allegedly told on the floor of the Senate on the afore-mentioned day of drama? The columnist saw everything as shown live on his television set that was privately power-generated (in this power-less or electricity-less clime) from the beginning to the end. The columnist wondered why, just why Natasha reacted the way she did, and why specifically she dared the Senate President the way she did. What was inevitably amiss? Why was/is Natasha claiming everybody’s attention the way she did (and she is still dong)? Why were her fellow senators, more than several of the male senators, I mean, flowing to her in her river of rebellion against the standards of the Senate that must be kept up? Was it because even if she was right in her classical democratic rebellion of a loner, it was necessary that the prestige of the great senators and that of their equally great but almighty President who is not more than first among equals should not be allowed to dwindle? And why was the Senate President so stupefied when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan brandished Order 10 several times as she rebelliously but decorously stood her ground, grounds or no grounds? Did the Senate President at any time try to have a bite or a taste of Natasha’s inviting stupefacient something that had caused him the stupefaction I was allowed personally to notice by the inner master on that day that the rebellious one knocked him to stupor – or to a state of near-stupor before his like-minded senators came to his rescue? All these questions are significant ones (or must be significant ones) for all those who desire to find a factual and truthful solution to what is growing to be a pattern of values between the Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator (Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the very wife of Mr. Godswill Akpabio’s good friend (or now erstwhile good friend?).
On Saturday, 29 February, 2025, that is, almost a week ago, I read entirely on pages 10-12 of Saturday Vanguard details of the Natasha Uduaghan-Godswill Akpabio problem and other proclamations, claims and counter-claims, including Natasha’s full interview she granted Arise News Good Morning Show which I had already alluded to. Natasha answered more than very satisfactorily all the questions put to her concerning the following: “allegations by a northern group”; “harassment of clerk and requests for CVs of staff”; “how the sitting arrangement issue started”; “denial of rights”; and “the night-cub incident.” My assertion(s) to each of her every answer is clearly clear and transparently transparent, and brings me to this conclusion: A highly brilliant and sharp female senator; a highly valuable, worthy, no nonsense female senator that Senator (Drs. Mrs.) Remi Tinubu, our President’s dear, dear wife, who is equally bright and brilliant, needs in her core team of patriots to help make our country reach its rightful destination. But I have no persuasive influence whatever upon her to make her see Natasha as I see her – or as I am seeing her. Yet I should tell her as the inner master tells me to say to her what I am now saying to her. Natasha certainly has her foibles – like all human-beings, including our one and only Godswill Akpabio. Her foibles, however, pale into nothing or insignificance in comparison with her positively rebellious bent and manner.
Since the matter between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senator Godswill Akpabio entered our television screens and newspapers and everywhere outside the main-stream media the Senate President has not deemed it right to claim our attention with at least one important line of defence from his own persuasive mouth. Why? Others, some of whom claim to be activists (activists my foot!) have been speaking for him. Why? If he does not want to say anything he should instruct his hangers-on, including his lawyer(s), his acolytes and cohorts and sycophants, and Natasha’s back-stabbers in the Senate, to keep mum until the brouhaha stills itself, evaporates and vanishes. But will it? I don’t think so until he transparently opens his line of persuasive rebuttal himself.
By the way, why did his wife, his damsel (who, like Natasha, is an impeccable communicator), come into the fray? What for? I saw her on television trying to persuade people like us in vain. After all said and done I exclaimed to myself “What for?” in the trope of a question. She said several things which I, as a literary detective and gleaner, punctured. I will only mention one or two here. (After all, I am not Natasha’s lawyer as I am not Unoma’s lawyer). She said, among other things, that no woman or women ever complained against her disciplined darling husband as a governor or minister – if I heard her well. I chuckled. No woman or women who succumbed to the sheets-whims-and-caprices of her darling governor- or minister- husband would complain openly or in loud silence to Unoma or to anyone for that matter close to Unoma. I put this to Unoma as a literary gleaner who is ever objective come rain or sunshine. Secondly, her open swipe at Natasha’s husband has drawn the very decent man who cannot hurt a fly out of his refined shell. I am sure that she and her disciplined husband have since seen and read the mature and refined letter of the highly cultured Alema of the very beautifully great Kingdom of Warri, the envy of many kingdom-less kingdoms, on what has been that shouldn’t have been.
There are other things I want to say but which I am nicely holding back as a top Niger Delta personage. What I can do best is to immerse myself in my own quiet way on how to bring this matter to a good and transparent end. The Senate President and the Alema of Warri must meet to resolve the knot in the favour of their friendship and that of the people of the whole of the Niger Delta and beyond. The situation needs to be remedied. I know how, but I won’t open my mouth wide here. For the time being, however, Natasha, our worthy rebel, needs to be appeased with appeasable appeasement by appeasers agreeable to the parties and all the parties in our Niger Delta and the Confluence State and beyond. I hope I am not building castles in Spain. Phew!
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

By Tunji Olaopa
The autobiography is a most delicate, complex and indeed disruptive art form. It is the autobiographer’s authorial insistence to be heard in terms of his or her narrative addition to a historical discourse. In fact, it is the autobiographer’s narration of the historical event from his or her own perspective. And more often than not, when the autobiographer is a fundamental participant in the event, the complexities of that event and the circumstances surrounding it are multiplied. Only very few autobiographies enjoy global approval. And that is because the art form is seen as an ego trip. That sentiment is summed up by the English biographer, Humphrey Carpenter: “Autobiography is probably the most respectable form of lying.” This is even made worse if the protagonists are critical individuals whose lives have affected national trajectories. General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) is one such critical protagonist, and his autobiography has arrived.
A Journey in Service has since started generating lots of furors in all strata of the Nigerian public space, online and offline. Lots of opinions have tied IBB to several significant historical moments in Nigeria, especially the annulment of the June 12 elections, and the demise of MKO Abiola. What many have conveniently glossed over, and a case I have consistently made, is that personal narrative in the forms of autobiography and memoirs serve a unique function in terms of their historical import. If A Journey in Service had not been written, we will all be gasping within the yawning silence of the political and administrative gaps that ought to have been filled with whatever the autobiographer has to say. But now it has been written, and we can then commence the journey of unraveling how the narrative fits or fails to fit in with the existing accounts of Nigeria’s political development.
This personal narrative has a critical import for me as a historian of Nigeria’s administrative and reform trajectories. The Babangida administration played a very fundamental role in articulating a significant portion of Nigeria’s administrative reform architecture. And so, that portion of the trajectory, and the entire institutional reform agenda of the Nigerian state, will not be complete without adding the voice and perspective of the key protagonist to the understanding of how the reform policy emerged. No matter what anyone thinks, the imperative of national history demands that such an account be added to the stock of what we already know, and to flesh out a better understanding of what we already know. The idea therefore is to see how the protagonist, no matter the groundswell of national opinion for or against him, fits into a larger picture of the political and administrative frameworks that enable us to see where the nation is coming from and where it is headed.
This is a task every institutional reformer must long for without getting sidetracked by sentimental opinion that accords blame and slings mud. This is part of what makes IBB and A Journey in Service such a delight for me. Unfortunately, the head of the historic administration does not consider that irreducible reform agenda that distinguishes his administration so significantly as to celebrate its conception, elements and operation, as well as its limitations, in a significant autobiography. That responsibility has been passed to posterity. This piece rescues that fundamental omission.
The pre-Babangida administrative reform narrative must always revert back to the 1974 Udoji Commission. That Commission is singular because it was the first to attempt an alignment between Nigeria’s reform efforts and the emerging managerial revolution in public administration across the globe. The Udoji Commission took its immediate inspiration from the Lord Fulton Committee of 1968 in Britain. The task of the Fulton Report was to inquire into the capability readiness of the British civil service to confront the modern British society and its technological complexity. Fulton’s most significant recommendation was the displacement of the cult of generalist amateur civil servants in an approaching administrative dispensation that requires a critical mass of new managers who possess the professionalism and specialist expertise to harness the talents needed to make the civil service economic, effective and efficient.
By the time the Udoji Commission was inaugurated, Nigeria had also reached the critical juncture where it became imperative to ask whether the Weberian assumptions underlying the British administrative legacy were capable of tackling the urgent governance requirement of a postcolonial society. The wage impasse which the system had been confronting before independence, for the Commission, was a symptom of a deeper administrative malady represented by a bureaucratic culture that had arrested innovation and entrepreneurial creativity in the analysis and implementation of policies. Managerialism therefore provides the most timely and perfect means of making the civil service system align with the goals of national development.
The Udoji Commission went on to leverage the global good practice of the time that calls for a new style of public service that deploys new management techniques of Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS), Management by Objectives (MBO), the precursor of what is today called the performance management system, project management system, among others, that were totally alien to the Nigerian public service, at the time. The new management architecture that the envisioned management system would have institutionalized would obviously have been inadequate but would have laid a critical substructure that would have set Nigeria on the new productivity paradigm that assisted Malaysia, Singapore, the Asian Tigers and many other developing countries that are within Nigerian global ranking at the time.
The most devastating blows that the civil service suffered were those created not by it but the governance tradition that militarism and “New Federalism” of the post-civil war years created where the rigorous analytical frame that governed development investment got replaced with the unreflective “with immediate effect” command and control governance tradition which created huge process, policy, capacity, performance and resource gaps. The Udoji Commission and its limitations, as well as the succeeding Phillips and Ayida Commissions, could be understood only within this military tradition of which IBB was a significant part. When he assumed office in 1985, one of the most immediate decisions was, according to his admission, the need to “strengthen the practice of the presidential system with clear economic, political, and social reforms to strengthen the nation as a constitutional democracy based on the presidential system.” Assuming the title of a “President” was therefore more than a mere nominal gesture to narcissism. Rather, he said, it was “a summation of our consensus on the need to preserve and strengthen the presidential system and make it work better for the nation.”
But a nominal title was not enough. A commitment to the presidential system, IBB insisted, defined the necessity of “structuring a reform programme around institutions to make it work.” And given the tension that already was prevalent in the heated polity, IBB surmised, the reforms that must make any significance must be as comprehensive as the administration could make it. And the first act of symbolic gesture was negative: the urgency of the need “to review the various draconian decrees, convictions, and pending cases that bordered on human rights violations.” The Exchange Control (anti-sabotage) Decree 7 and Decree 4 (Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation) had to be significantly reviewed. This was followed by the real positive task of reforming the economy and governance in ways that go beyond “knee-jerk populist reflexes.”
The task, in governance and economic terms, was therefore to “Remove the government from the role of an enormous money changer to that of an enabler of the appropriate economic environment. We also needed to let the economy, in general, breathe more freely.” It was to liberalize the economy and make government an able enabler rather than occupying the ‘commanding heights of the economy.”
Unfortunately for us all, IBB fails to dwell on what could have been a defining dimension of A Journey in Service, the civil service reform framework of the Babangida administration. This is shocking but revealing in itself. One possible reason is that the author subsumed the civil service reform under the broader political reforms: “Our political programme targeted the critical areas of political and socio-cultural restructuring highlighted by the Political Bureau report: the party system, the electoral process, including election administration, the federal structure, the civil service, and the problem of succession, including political leadership.”
And yet, this fails to do justice to the significance of the Babangida administration and its inheritance of the Dotun Philips Commission from the Buhari-Idiagbon administration. The Phillips Study Team is significant because it had the task of re-organizing the operations of the civil service in terms of professionalism that will eventually align it with the managerial revolution recommended by Udoji. And that reform effort alone cements his administration’s significance in the annals of administrative history in Nigeria, and a fundamental contribution to the cumulation of reform knowledge in Nigeria. IBB already gave the significant intellectual basis of the restructuring that was an imperative: to achieve “national rebirth and future greatness,” there is a need for political and economic restructuring that frees up the national space for transformation. And one way to do this, according to him, was cultivate intellectuals: “We needed the input of intellectuals to enlighten the business of government.” There was also the crucial need for the public service as the engine of government business. It beats me how IBB did not see that.
The Dotun Philips Study Group was constituted by the Buhari-Idiagbon administration in 1985, with the objective of undertaking an interrogation of the structure, mode of operation and strategy of the civil service in the light of contemporary administrative situation, as well as finding means by which the eroded professionalism of the system could be restored. After the 1985 coup, Babangida inherited the study group and transformed it into a full-blown commission whose task was to keep up with the objective of aligning the spirit of managerialism and a professionalized civil service with the form and spirit of presidentialism. This was to be incorporated into the total package of the Civil Service Reforms through a Civil Service Reorganisation Decree No. 43 of 1988. Given the administration’s concern with the rigid Soviet-styled centralization of the economy and the need to open the economy up to market forces, it was only logical that the administration would adopt the critical managerial principle of letting managers manage by having greater control on critical resources. This possesses the capacity to inspire a wholesale decentralization of the HRM function to MDA. The policy choice here is between centralized resource governance for example where the civil service commission wields constitutional powers for recruitment, promotion and discipline exercised at top management levels by the Commission while delegating the powers to MDAs at middle to lower levels.
The Philips reform was compromised essentially because (a) it took the issues involved in professionalism too far (for instance, by attempting to make a professional out of everybody within the civil service); and (b) its own unique managerial thrust was directed towards integrating the civil service into the presidential system of government, with one unintended consequence being that professionalization turned into politicization through an attempt, for instance, that turned an administrative post (permanent secretary) into a political one (director-general). And yet, this is not a failure because it was a logical reform complement to the short-circuited Udoji Commission recommendation of a public service founded on performance management, and its underlying managerial philosophy was significant in getting the Babangida administration its governance template for transforming national development.
I insist that an administration is only as good as its reform agenda, both in design and implementation. The Babangida administration gave Nigeria’s reform trajectory one of the key moments in the protracted attempt to translate the gains and efficiencies of a managerial opportunity to a bureaucratic system.
. Olaopa is a Professor of Public Administration and Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission .
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