Opinion
Revising The Past: The Power Of Counter-Narratives In Yoruba History
Published
3 months agoon
By Toyin Falola
I was privileged to listen to the two-hour-long Inaugural Address by Professor Olukoya Ogen, delivered at Osun State University on September 5, 2024. Certainly, because I enjoyed listening to it, I did not know when the time flew so fast. Titled “Reconstructing A Silenced Past: Echoes of Revisionism and Counter Hegemonic History,” it was an additional privilege to have also received the printed copy. This piece is a reflection on this lecture.
Imagine a past revered for a very long time, stories beloved without question, and cultural landmarks shaped in the shared memory of a people. Still, there is a hidden depth of invisible voices, whispered stories, and neglected truths not embraced. After years of research and a desire to update what we know about one of Africa’s most active civilizations, we can now tackle Yoruba historiography by revisiting and trying to redefine Yoruba civilization, thereby shifting our viewpoint, especially on the conventional wisdom guiding Yoruba history for many years. As Professor Olukoya Ogen argued, history, as we know it, is an issue of choosing who gets to give those facts and whose tales deserve representation, not merely of recalling facts. Part of this process is reevaluating current historical narratives and sometimes challenging the long-standing dominant narratives that have defined the intellectual and cultural surroundings of the Yoruba people. This shows that much of revisionist history is about expanding our knowledge by including many points of view that have been deliberately excluded instead of rewriting history with the aim of change.
Prof. Olukoya Ogen
The value of revisionist history transcends intellectual circles. It asks us to examine, probe, and embrace a legacy more complicated than one might find by combining the stories of people living on the outskirts of history. It is about healing and understanding, about giving voice to those without one, not merely about fixing historical errors. Hence, in this context, the goal is to change not only historical consciousness but also the Yoruba people’s own identity. Yoruba history has traditionally been studied from a perspective that emphasizes central and Western stories, sometimes overlooking the connection and complicated histories of the Southeastern part of Nigeria. This explains why revisiting our history is a necessity at this point. Revisionist history seeks to challenge the single-story approach by underlining the several complicated and diverse experiences inside Yoruba society that have been either ignored or directly discarded. It critiques the monolithic narratives produced by those in authority, the ones that regularly define what is remembered and forgotten, further helping to challenge conventional narratives, thereby arming the less powerful and offering the voiceless voice. Like many other civilizations, Yoruba history has been shaped mostly by colonial influences and post-colonial power structures—which normally favour some areas or dynasties over others. Revisionist history thus becomes quite crucial in trying to decolonize history by challenging these prejudices and supporting a more fair view of the past, ensuring that the wealth and diversity of Yoruba history will be valued, therefore raising knowledge of its cultural complexity and importance.
Further, inside the counter-hegemonic narratives, we find a potent tool for challenging and modifying the prevailing historical narratives that have long governed Yoruba historiography. Not only alternative stories but also counter-hegemonic narratives are essential corrections stressing the experiences and contributions of those communities and areas that have been methodically excluded from mainstream historical narratives. These present a more realistic picture of the past and progress, as well as a more general, more complicated knowledge of the cultural and social events inside the Yoruba community. Including the points of view of southeast Yoruba, for instance, helps historians to present a complete picture of the Yoruba culture, one that honours the achievements and experiences of all its component sections rather than merely the most politically or economically dominating. This is absolutely vital in a culture as diverse and scattered as the Yoruba, where different dialects, rituals, and historical events add to the shared inheritance.
Revisionist history and counter-hegemonic narratives are about fixing previous errors and ensuring that every person in society connects to the stories told about their beginnings. This knowledge helps to build community cohesiveness and identity since it respects the perspectives of those who have been left out of past national or cultural narratives. It also challenges the simplicity of conventional histories that occasionally ignore the complexity of social and historical events such as migration, intermarriage, and cultural interaction—basically fundamental to understanding the evolution of any society. With this, historians not only present a more democratic and inclusive account but also help to decolonize history by way of the viewpoint of people they have overlooked, striking away the layers of prejudice and discrimination set in colonial periods and continuing in post-colonial academic and cultural organizations.
Key to achieving this are languages, anthropology, and ethnography, each of which presents a different prism through which the historical narrative of a people is seen. Linguistic studies, for instance, reveal migration patterns, cultural ties, and even social shifts inside various Yoruba sub-groups, therefore surpassing basic translation. Analyzing the variances in the Yoruba language and its variants would enable historians to understand historical movements and cultural convergences not noted in written records. Analogously, anthropology offers a whole picture of Yoruba social structures, rituals, and economic systems, therefore revealing how broader historical events shape and define these elements. Often necessary to understand the complete spectrum of their historical experience, this approach helps one to appreciate the Yoruba people’s sophisticated social rules and customs more. Modern images of Yoruba life presented by ethnography also enhance current understanding and methodologies. Ethnographers catch present cultural practices and beliefs by means of immersion fieldwork and participant observation, therefore offering insights into the continuity and spread of Yoruba culture. This real-time data, especially in places with little written records, helps one to grasp historical continuities and changes. Combining these several multidisciplinary approaches enables historians to show a more complete and fuller picture, therefore respecting the diversity and depth of Yoruba history. This approach criticizes the Eurocentric mythology that has long dominated African history and reveals the need for local knowledge systems and oral histories. Moreover, it guarantees that the histories of poor or less-documented groups are highlighted and democratizes the historical narrative, making it more accessible and appealing to a worldwide audience.
Along with distributing the historical knowledge sources, this more all-encompassing approach democratizes the historical production process itself. It forces readers to rethink what constitutes historical evidence and supports a more all-encompassing approach to event documentation. Thus, not only intellectual but also ethical duties of multidisciplinary approaches in Yoruba historiography aim towards a better and more equitable knowledge of the past.
Building on the improved information offered by multidisciplinary approaches in revisionist history, the consequences of revisionist and counter-hegemonic narratives in Yoruba historiography extend well beyond scholarly circles. These narratives fundamentally alter the way history is taught and perceived, therefore influencing educational policies, cultural identity, and community cohesiveness. By offering a more complete history involving voices from all aspects of Yoruba society, these approaches question and widen the standard narratives that have periodically dominated national histories.
Revisionist history courses, for instance, enable students to grow in the classroom in the value of cultural diversity and critical thinking. Students are invited to question the simplicity of conventional narratives and recognize the complex interaction among different factors in society that affect historical events by using an inclusive historical framework. A more knowledgeable and compassionate populace capable of interacting with the complexity of their history and those of others depends on this educational reform.
Moreover, the acceptance and inclusion of counter-hegemonic narratives help to eliminate the traces of colonial imprint on historical research. Through this decolonization of history, civilizations will be able to give a more fair and balanced picture of the past by transcending the weight of biased historical interpretations backing colonial values. It also acknowledges and aggregates the complexity and achievements of non-Western civilizations, therefore augmenting world historical knowledge.
Politically, revisionist history benefits society, too. These narratives, which present a more complicated picture of the past, can direct government policies—especially those related to national unity, education, and cultural preservation. Policies developed by deep historical knowledge are more likely to be inclusive and fair, therefore reflecting the many demands and experiences of all sectors of existence.
Thus, the adoption of revisionist and counter-hegemonic approaches in Yoruba historiography is not merely a scholarly one; they compel society to reflect on who they are, where they come from, and how every one of them could contribute to building a more inclusive future.
Legislators, historians, and the next generations of educators could find inspiration in this inclusive historical consciousness. By approaching history from a more inclusive and fair standpoint, these individuals can challenge out-of-date narratives and advance a better awareness of the complexity of human civilizations, therefore promoting more development. Encouragement of better respect and understanding among people from many backgrounds will have far-reaching effects on international events. By involving the public with this revised history, historical wounds can be healed, and problems left over by one-sided historical narratives can be resolved. A more inclusive and equitable viewpoint can serve to encourage communication and reconciliation in societies whose past has generated conflict. This is quite important in places like Yoruba, where several groups have to live and cooperate inside shared national borders.
Furthermore, the global consequences of adopting revisionist points of view cut beyond African or Yoruba history. Revisionist history offers a road map for reevaluating national histories all around as societies deal with the legacies of colonialism, imperialism, and racism. From this global reevaluation of history, a more linked and sympathetic society whereby the histories of every person are acknowledged and valued results. In Yoruba history, the adoption of revisionist and counter-hegemonic narratives ultimately moulds, most importantly, a more inclusive picture of the past. This approach not only clarifies our historical knowledge but also is really crucial for the construction of a fair society. As we keep testing and extending our historical narratives, we build a road towards a future when all points of view are heard and appreciated, and history acts as a bridge rather than a barrier between civilizations.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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