Opinion
Insecurity And Presidential Compromises
Published
4 years agoon

By
Emmanuel Onwubiko
Tension and beating of war drums in Nigeria under the political leadership of a president who progressively fades away from public arena in preference for the issuing of incongruent and incoherent press statements from his media minders, has reached a dizzying height.
There is now a unanimity of agreement from across political spectrums that President Muhammadu Buhari has not only failed but has manifested unambiguous signals that he does not want to drive the process of eradicating these threats of war from Nigeria. He seems to be the character blowing the firestorm of ethno-religious conflagration through his actions, inactions, ambiguous and incoherent public statements.
One of his media spokespersons Mr. Garba Shehu has made himself the posterboy of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association. He, Garba Shehu has misused and abused his visibility in government and his nearness to the president to project and advance the parochial and belligerent interests of the Fulani ethnic stock. He has ridden on government platforms to defend his ethnic group each time some criminal elements within the ranks of his ethnicity commit crime of mass killings. All of these pro-Fulani media outings by Garba Shehu have been done in the name of the president.
So these compromises and abuse of office by the media workers of President Muhammadu Buhari have provided the insight for learned and analytical minds to conclude that the president who chose not to be seen or heard, may actually be working in cahoots with undesirable elements masquerading as armed Fulani herdsmen and armed Fulani ethnic militia to destroy Nigeria and push her into a bigger civil war than any wars witnessed in Africa.
As it is, the killings by armed Fulani herdsmen and Boko Haram terrorists are almost nearing those of the Hutu militia during the pre-Paul Kegame Rwanda. Hutus and Tutsis were at each other’s throats and at the last count almost 800,000 citizens of mostly Tutsis had been slaughtered. The head count in Nigeria is not far off. There is fire on the mountain and most of those in the position of authority are already crying loud and clear warning of an imminent war. Governors, senators, clerics are all complaining but the president is unhinged and seems determined to push Nigeria off the cliff into a huge war.
Ordinarily, governors and senators who are worth their salt are in a vantage position to get good enough intelligence on how the security of the nation is or what roles the president or anyone is playing to douse or heighten tensions and insecurity.
In the light of the above assertion, it is frightening to reflect on what three governors have just told Nigerians even as the summary of their statements goes to show that Nigeria is not only suffering from presidential incompetence, rudderless leadership but presidential compromise in the area of national security.
The most disturbing revelation is that which emanated from the governor of Benue State. This governor was elected under the banner of the same political party with President Muhammadu Buhari but for four years, armed Fulani herdsmen attacked his state persistently and hundreds of their people slaughtered, but President Buhari who is Fulani and accused of siding with his kinsmen, refused to stop these well-coordinated attacks.
Even when the governor escaped assassination attempt in March this year and a Fulani group claimed responsibility Buhari did nothing. All the internal security architectures are led by handpicked Hausa/Fulani Northern Moslems and it is becoming clearer that there is a northernization agenda of a sinister dimension.
In a very strongly worded interview, the Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, had accused the President, Muhammadu Buhari of working for the Fulani ethnic stock to take over Nigeria.
Ortom spoke in reaction to the recent killing of residents allegedly perpetrated by herdsmen in parts of the North-Central state. He also lamented that no fewer than 70 people have been killed in the last two weeks in three local governments in the state.
The governor, who said the killings could not continue, noted: “What is happening now, to me, is very clear; Mr President is just working for these Fulanis to take over the whole country.
“His body language is what is being played out. The body language, the action and inaction of Mr President show that he is only the president of Fulani people; I have known this.
“We are becoming a Banana Republic, if we have a president who gave the security agencies order to shoot at sight, whosoever is having AK-47 and the minister of defence came out to say that they cannot shoot at sight… so who is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces?”
According to the governor, the people of Benue are being overstretched and running out of patience due to the incessant attacks on their communities.
“Mr President must rise up, he is the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and over the 250 nationalities that are in this country; Mr President is their president, we all voted him.
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“He has taken oath of office to secure the country and provide security for lives and property; this is unacceptable, this cannot continue,” the governor stated.
Quoting the state governor, Cable News Network based in Atlanta in the United States of America then reported that Boko Haram fighters had reportedly hoisted the Islamist group’s flag in a remote district in Niger State, Nigeria’s Middle Belt region, and seized the wives of fleeing residents.
“I am confirming that we have Boko Haram elements in Niger State, around Kaure. They have taken over the territory… They have installed their flag,” said Niger State Governor Abubakar Bello, in a widely circulated video on Monday.
Bello disclosed during a visit to an Internally Displaced Persons Camp in the state capital Minna, that over 3000 persons had been ousted from their communities by Boko Haram and other criminal gangs locally known as bandits.
“Their towns have been taken over by bandits and Boko Haram elements… Their wives have been seized from them and forcefully attached to Boko Haram members,” the governor said.
Bello warned that Boko Haram’s infiltration into Kaure, a rural community in Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State, posed a huge security threat to Nigeria’s capital city Abuja, which Niger borders to the east.
“The Boko Haram elements are trying to use this area as their home, just as they did in Sambisa. Sambisa is hundreds of kilometers away from Abuja. But Kaure is less than two hours drive to Abuja. So nobody is safe anymore… Not even Abuja is safe,” Governor Bello warned.
Bello’s comment came days after the jihadist sect was reported in local media to have erected its flag in Geidam, an insurgency-troubled community in Yobe State.
Then came another disclosure but this time around from the governor of Rivers State Mr. Nyesom Wike who emphatically lamented that the president of Nigeria had succeeded in destroying Nigeria just as he gave a verdict that Nigeria had collapsed.
He cited the multiple reports of violent attacks by all kinds of armed non-state actors all around Nigeria to demonstrate beyond the shadow of doubt that Nigeria had existentially collapsed.
To the not too shocked Nigerian learned minds, the governor of Zamfara State made a revelation which goes to show that President Buhari refuses to wipe out armed Fulani terrorists that have persistently attacked North West and as far as South East of Nigeria, when we got to know that the president gave them a whole of two months to decide to quit their terrorism or government will come after them.
Fast forward to the many military attacks targeting the South East- based Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) just for setting up the Eastern Security Network to drive away armed Fulani herdsmen.
So, you need to ask, why did the president refuse to attack armed Fulani herdsmen that have killed hundreds of innocent people including the recent audacious attack targeting the life of the Benue State governor, but President Buhari has on quick succession, authorised military bombardments of IPOB?
On March 9th 2021, we were told that President Muhammadu Buhari had given bandits in Zamfara two months to surrender, according to Governor Bello Muhammad Matawalle.
In a state-wide broadcast on Matawalle said the president also ordered the deployment of 6,000 troops to crush the bandits if they failed to surrender their arms.
The governor made the statement a few hours after traditional rulers in the state told the service chiefs, who visited the state, that there were over 30,000 bandits in Zamfara forests, a number that far outweighs the less than 10,000 troops deployed to the state to tackle insecurity.
The directive by President Buhari came about a week after he declared Zamfara a no-fly zone and halted mining activities to stem what presidency officials described as “arms-for-gold swap” activities in the state.
In his broadcast, the Zamfara governor said he undertook a four-day working visit to Abuja to brief President Buhari and other critical stakeholders on the security situation in his state.
“In my discussion with President Muhammadu Buhari and the security higher commands in Abuja, it was resolved that 6,000 additional troops will be deployed to complement the effort of other security forces in tackling the security challenges in the state.
“The troops will soon arrive in the state for their operations and we are grateful to the federal government.
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“The president has agreed to a time frame within which the recalcitrant bandits should surrender their weapons and key into our peace initiative…”
If this is not a clear message that President Buhari has compromised our national security and abused his constitutional oath of office not to allow his personal interest interfere with state functions, what else is?
This is another sign of compromise. Since early March when the Benue State governor was almost killed, the inspector general of police said he had set up a team to investigate but for weeks, even the same inspector general of police who made the statement was kicked out of office and as I write, rather than arrest those who are after the life of Benue State povernor, President Buhari has done nothing but watched as more Benue people are killed by Fulani herdsmen.
The implication of the obviously compromised position of Buhari on tackling the security threats, is that Nigeria may as well have collapsed just as the River State governor has said.
Sadly even when All Progressives Congress senators like Smart Adeyemi are shouting regarding the security situation in the country the stooges who head the National Assembly may likely be waiting for mass action before they can begin the process of impeaching President Buhari for compromising Nigeria’s national security. The military has also become a Fulani- controlled contraption so playing the function of redeeming the country is not on their agenda.
This is another sign that Buhari’s compromise has pushed us into war: the United Nations and NGOs have said that a record 29 million people need humanitarian assistance in the Sahel, noting “unparallelled” insecurity and hunger across six countries in the war-torn African region.
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In Burkina Faso, northern Cameroon, Chad, Mali, Niger, and north-eastern Nigeria, five million more people than last year are in need of aid, according to a statement.
Much of the semi-arid Sahel, a vast region that stretches along the southern rim of the Sahara from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, has been plagued by violence for years.
Due to the increasing number of deadly attacks by terrorist groups, gender-based violence, extortion, or intimidation, 5.3 million among them are forced to flee, often multiple times.
Buhari has also failed to change his extreme pro-northern mindset in the area of applying uniform yardstick in calling out the security forces to tackle insecurity. For him, terrorists belonging to his tribe and religion need to be rehabilitated, reintegrated and resettled back into the society against which they have committed gross human rights violations including mass killings.
But any other person or group making any sort of effort to stop armed Fulani herdsmen incursions into their regions like South West or South East must be killed by soldiers through contrived military operations. One way or another, Nigerians must cut off this political cancer or be consumed irredeemably. The ball is in our court.
Onwubiko is the head of the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria and blogs@www. Theingerianinsidernews.com, www.huriwanigeria.com, www.huriwa@blogspot.com.
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Opinion
Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa
Published
1 day agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.
The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.
One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?
Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.
That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.
As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.
For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.
Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.
Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.
This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.
Igwe, PhD, was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.
Opinion
Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks
Published
1 day agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.
Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.
Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.
Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

By Toyin Falola
Our university is now an adult at 20!
About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.
At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.
Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.
In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.
Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.
These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.
Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.
A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.
To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.
Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.
The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.
However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.
The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.
At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.
As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.
Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.
Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.
For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.
. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.
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