Arts & Culture
A Peep Into Olaopa’s ‘From ISGPP To NIPSS: Retirement And Post-Retirement Think Tanking’
Published
2 years agoon

By Mohammed Kuta Yahaya
The latest book The Unending Quest for Reform by Prof Tunji Olaopa got me moved from the independent forewords by two erudite scholars, Dr Mathew Hassan Kukah and Prof Eghosa Osaghae, as well as other interesting chapters that chronicle his life journey with turbulent moments that one couldn’t just ignore. Undoubtedly, each chapter constitutes elaborate lessons, and should be considered an irresistible life guide for any young person aiming for the top. But getting to the pinnacle of one’s career is a natural dream of all professionals, like Professor Tunji Olaopa. However, certain developments could make or mar lofty aspirations or create uncertainties as you get to the top and the fear of the unknown, after such attainments creates other unthinkable conjectures and uncertainties. Hence, my attraction to the Chapter Sixteen: From ISGPP TO NIPSS: Retirement and Post-Retirement Think Tanking.
The author is a thoroughbred professional whose trajectory in development work, academia and civil service would remain remarkable footprints in the service of Fatherland. His unending quest for reforms may have been triggered by his enormous wealth of experience in Nigeria’s civil service system that is unarguably stigmatised and left with a sour taste of doubts of whether the system has the ingredients to propel the country’s socio-economic development or not. Hence, Olaopa’s quest for unending reforms is understandable and genuine.
The dysfunctional dynamics that go with most operations and activities in the civil service live after the civil servants who are generally believed to be professionally founded and expected to set paths for socio-political development of the country. These are some of the issues highlighted by the author in this chapter from his enormous wealth of experience as a bureaucrat with so many questions bordering on the lapses as a result of the dysfunctions in the administrative processes of government which he believes should bother every serious minded and patriotic civil servant. He argues that until these dysfunctions are effectively tackled, the system would continue to deteriorate, especially when resources meant for development are not properly channeled for human capital and material development.
In his words: “After all, I have consistently argued about Nigeria’s cost of governance, as well as lack of coherence and justice in downsizing a bloated civil service.”
These propositions might have been difficult for any bureaucrat to point out to powers, while in service, but it is an experience that had survived in the mind of the author for several years. Consequently, a lot of efforts have been made by the government to engender reforms to correct the loopholes and bridge the gaps that have been identified by genuineness to service. But such reform efforts have ended in futility due to lack of commitment to transform the system for better service delivery.The unexpected that happened in 1975 with administrative purge in the country instilled fears of the unknown and uncertainties in the minds of the majority of civil servants. The workers, therefore, opted to prepare ahead for any eventuality.
What is the best way to prepare than to elevate personal desires over public interest? This is one of the major reasons for the accentuation of bureaucratic corruption in the history of Nigeria’s public service. Corruption, since then, became an institutionalised phenomenon in the country and justifies Olaopa who posits that “after the 1975 purge, it became almost inevitable for the culture of deferred gratification to be substituted by that of instant gratification”.
Since governments could sack its workforce with unrepentant whimscality, then the workers had better prepared ahead for any eventuality. The author, having realised where the dysfunctions in the system could lead him, began to prepare for his post- retirement regime and, as rightly as he could choose, he decided to return to academia, considering his intellectual prowess and academic qualifications.
He would soon launch rigorous contributions to the total reforms of the system through scholarly publications that later gave him the hope that his post-retirement regime was bright. According to the author, scholarly pursuit in search of administrative understanding and grounding for institutional reforms was what instigated his desire to write the biography of Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade titled:A Prophet is With Honour: The Life and Times of Ojetunji Aboyade, published in 1997 which profiles the life of an astute and consummate intellectual and administrator whose professional life served as his template for becoming a scholar-bureaucrat and how professionalism and genuineness can contribute in pursuing goals.
He recalls with nostalgia, while gathering the materials for the book in 1992, a fascinating discussion between the author and Aboyade led to the emergence of the vision that gave birth to the Development Policy Centre (DPC). The DPC encapsulates the OPTICOM Model, championed by Aboyade and Mabogunje. More importantly, the initial seed for the establishment of Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) was sown in that exploratory discussion. Also,in one of his assignments at the Management Services Office (MSO) in 2003, an encounter in Pretoria, South Africa, with Ms Thuli Radebe and many others on the workings of South African Centre for Public Service Innovation (CPSI), influenced his decision to set up a similar centre that would serve as his retirement base and fast forward his unquenchable passion for reform outside the corridors of Government (NGO).
ISGPP was conceived as a non-profit think tank, a platform for deepening policy and reform work with evidence-based research that is expected to instigate the government to work better for development and democracy. The ISGPP experiment, of which I’m a privileged pioneer faculty member, is well-grounded in the think tank business and resembles the Development Policy Centre (DPC) and the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS). Its uniqueness derives from its research capacities and executive education platform that were meant to transform the policy architecture of the Nigerian state.
In the spirit of practice what you preach, the author has left no one in doubt with the ISGPP. It is fundamentally set to address the skills and competence deficit in the public service anchored on“inspiring strategic transformation” through research and executive education founded on a continuous mix of new perspectives and evidence-based analysis, with creative approaches. The author elaborately justifies the purpose of education in reducing poverty because, once the majority of the people in the country are educated, they are likely to get jobs, earn a living and assurance to provide the basic needs for their families palpable.
According to Olaopa: The idea of enlarged and comprehensive learning becomes essentially a national objective in a state like Nigeria that is plural and subject to conflicts from all sides. A part of that conflicting predicament is that Nigeria lacks a value framework around which the virtues of decency, civility, tolerance and charity can be fostered to counter the vices of ethnic jingoism, religious extremism, gender inequality, divisive politics and social anomie.
He cites C.P. Snow’s argument about the debilitating effects of what he called “the two-culture thesis”, and how that separation between the sciences and the humanities have robbed us of the benefits of a liberal education. Indeed, in the world of neoliberal capitalism, the STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) curriculum has become the template for a development-oriented pedagogy.
From ISGPP to NIPSS: Issues and Dimensions
As a deep thinker and reform ‘activist,’ the NIPSS was his mirror for ISGPP as Nigeria’s foremost think tank. Since its founding in 1979, the NIPSS has gone through several structural and institutional metamorphoses and challenges that makes it very ripe for a fundamental study. This among others are reflected in his published paper titled: NIPSS: Conception, Operations and Framework for Repositioning (2021), considered as the concrete manifestations of introspective reflections on what it means to do think tank in Nigeria and what consequences that had for the survival and institutional flourishing of the ISGPP.
In complementing the “fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy” as outlined in the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, the motto of NIPSS was simple and fundamental: towards a better society and significant call on all Nigerians to participate in the rethinking of Nigeria in the context of the dynamics of a constantly changing world. Thus, the distinction makes for a whole lot of comparative divergences between the NIPSS and the ISGPP, especially on the matter of funding and patronage. The NIPSS draws its patronage from all government sectors and even the organised private sector. It attends to specifically crafted government policy objectives and has the capacity for reaching and drawing into its fold teaching and administrative resource persons across Nigeria.
Writing that exploratory seminal paper on the NIPSS provided the author with solid background for deepening thoughts about the experience of the ISGPP, which, to him, is a mixed one, spanning the continuum from despair to hope and optimism and fundamental challenge of sustainability. The NIPSS has been sustained since 1979 because succeeding Nigerian governments have remained committed to its fundamental objective in the achievement of the Nigerian project. On the other hand, the ISGPP depends on self-funding and the collaborations that it gets from partners and businesses. Outside of the availability of consistent grants, it begins to falter in its efficiency, once the funding sources dwindle to a trickle.
So far, Nigeria has continued to pay lip-service to the need for research-based policy engagements that will transform the policy architecture of the Nigerian government. However, almost little has been done to take this commitment to its logical conclusion in opening up a broad-based relationship with non-governmental agencies and parastatals, as well as the Nigerian universities, to facilitate a continuous flow of relevant research that the government would find useful in jumpstarting her development drive. The constant bickering between the government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) seems to be a fundamental indication that the government is still beholden to an adversarial industrial relations model that is undermining the tertiary institutions and their relevance to national development.
In conclusion, Tunji Olaopa succeeds in setting the agenda that not only encapsulates the beauty in modeling ideas and preparing well in life, but also building good relationships and standing for fairness. The chapter does not only serve as a model path to prosperity, it teaches the rewards in good conscience, quality service delivery, no matter the situation one finds himself in. It is an encyclopedia of righteousness and need for good public and civil services reforms for the greater development of Nigeria. Henceforth, I hope the political elites will take up the patriotic challenge to showcase their manifestos at NIPSS or ISGPP than instead of Chatham House!
Yahaya is a former Secretary to the Niger State Government and Professor of Agricultural Extension & Development Communications, University of Ibadan.
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Arts & Culture
Speaking Truth To Power: A Review Of Gbemisola Adeoti’s Stoning The Wind
Published
1 month agoon
January 31, 2025
By Toyin Falola
The principle of equality is theoretically recognized as one of the fundamental foundations of democracy. Over the years, scholars have argued that equality prevents marginalization, and that the absence of marginalization signifies the existence of egalitarianism. It is in this context that Gbemisola Adeoti’s anthology, Stoning the Wind, flourishes and is to be appreciated.
The poems in this anthology explore the origins of Nigeria’s sociopolitical challenges by revealing the corruption in the system. One of the notable poems which vividly describes this is “The Chameleon and the Soldier Ant.” In this poem, the poet delineates the distinctive traits of the chameleon and the soldier ant, attributing the features of the former to the oppressors (politicians) and those of the latter to the oppressed (masses). The poem reveals and examines the nation’s recurrent challenges with authority, power, corruption, and violence.
Since the dawn of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria’s elections have consistently been plagued by anomalies, malpractices, and violence. This ugly reality has forced many Nigerians to question whether their votes truly matter. According to an article by Budgit.org, the 1993 general elections remain the fairest and freest election the country has ever had. However, its annulment by then-Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, serves as a stark reminder of Nigeria’s history of dictatorship and abuse of power. The annulment of the election symbolizes corruption and misuse of authority. While in democratic theories, power belongs to the people, in practice however, it is concentrated among a select few, that is, the oppressors who wield power at the expense of the masses.
The depiction of the Chameleon “saluting the ground beneath the belly” and the “fallen leaves that keep a date with destiny” implies a veneration for the status quo and the government’s consistent nonchalance to the plight of the populace. On the contrary, the soldier ant, symbolizing the downtrodden section of Nigerian society, is equipped with a “flimsy trunk, a fat head, and two cruel teeth as tools of terror.” Despite the soldier ant’s ferocious nature, its power stems from “solidarity and the martial oneness of a centurion,” which underscores the significance of solidarity among the subjugated in the presence of formidable oppression. Perhaps a revolution is Nigeria’s only path to redemption—or perhaps not.
Gbemisola Adeoti suggests that true emancipation from internal colonialism (that is, from the ruling oppressors) lies in unity despite diversity rather than outright rebellion.
In 2019, Omoyele Sowore, a Nigerian activist and journalist, initiated the #RevolutionNow movement, pushing for nationwide rallies to confront the sociopolitical crises affecting Nigeria. It is noteworthy that such uprisings are not unprecedented in Africa; we can consider the Arab Spring upheaval in Egypt as presenting a compelling parallel. Following nearly three decades of President Mubarak’s unjust and autocratic rule, the youth and other concerned factions of the country mobilized en masse, compelling Mubarak to resign on 25th January 2011. Tunisia under Ben Ali is another significant example of an autocratic government. Ali ruled for over two decades without any evidence of economic growth and with widespread violations of fundamental human rights. This incited a revolution in the nation, compelling the dictatorial president to flee in 2011. Recently, protests in Kenya were instigated by contentious proposed tax increases, and the movement has transformed into a fierce campaign for more governmental accountability.
In the poem “Ballot Box,” Adeoti further critiques the widespread electoral manipulation that afflicts Nigerian democracy. The opening line of the poem, “The ballot box is a resonant box that hums himself of hope and gloom,” signifies that the voting box embodies both hope and despair in Nigerian electoral traditions. This is apparent in the nation’s electoral history, characterized by frequent controversy, violence, and claims of rigging. The analogy of the ballot box as a “harlot’s trunk box” illustrates how corruption has wrecked our electoral processes through greed and deception. This is one of the images which carefully depicts Nigeria’s corrupt electoral system. The 2007 general elections are a testament to this claim, as there were numerous negative reports regarding the electioneering. According to the Department for International Development, the April 2007 general elections were said to be the most unjust in post-independence Nigeria. Thus, there is additional proof that elections in Nigeria only benefit the privileged.
According to The Republic’s article “The Many Sins of INEC,” the author conveyed disappointment with INEC’s logistical difficulties in several regions of the country during the last elections. Moreover, multifarious reports of violence and voter suppression were made in major cities of the country, such as Lagos and Rivers. This further corroborates the claim that the innovations of INEC, that is, the introduction of the Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVC) and Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), have only brought retrogressive developments to the nation, as the body still struggles to conduct credible elections. The lines “Voters don’t count much as the counters of votes in power” mirror the tainted 2023 presidential election, which was marred by reports of irregularities from journalists and election observers, both local and international observers.
In a 2019 article by Yiagi Africa, it was reported that the 2019 general elections experienced one of the poorest turnouts in the country’s history, with only 32% of the registered voters participating in electioneering. Among the factors that were considered to decline mass participation in elections include inefficient security, violence, and unfulfilled electoral promises. This challenges the legitimacy of authority when the populace abruptly becomes apolitical. Currently, voter suppression serves as a mechanism for manipulating electoral outcomes by dissuading and obstructing individuals from casting their votes. Yiaga Africa stated that the 2019 gubernatorial elections did not occur in about 26% of polling units in Bayelsa. This action resulted in thousands of voters being unable to cast their ballots or make electoral choices—a well-calculated action that ultimately served the interests of a particular group or political party.
Moreover, the depiction of the ballot box as a “presiding priest at the festival of hoax” implies that the electoral process is often a mere facade or mere formalities, with results “preordained” by those in power. The poet alludes to the “chameleon” nature of the voting box, which “swiftly” changes “coats and color” and obstructs the genuine wishes of the electorate.
In “Pandemic,” Gbemisola Adeoti not only criticizes the government but also expresses his worries as a social scientist, recognizing that individuals are influenced by governmental policies, biases, as well as social and environmental factors. The COVID-19 pandemic and its global repercussions are indelible, as the poet asserts that the virus resulted from the global community’s inadequate response to previous pandemics, such as Ebola. The poem continues by examining the unequal effects on the most vulnerable societal members and, at the same time, asserting that the pandemic served as a great equalizer, revealing the frailty of even the most powerful and affluent individuals.
The poem also evokes a sense of responsibility that fosters unity among nations. During this period of devastation, a strong sense of global solidarity emerged. The lines in the poem serve as a poignant critique of the pandemic’s effects on the global economy and geography. The phrase “Many play the flies that follow the corpse to the coffin” implies that many Nigerians have been compelled to adapt to the new reality of the pandemic, while many others grapple to endure in an economy grossly affected by the virus. The line “dying other people’s death in homeland and exile” is a tribute to those who have been compelled to abandon their homes and communities in pursuit of safety, only to encounter the unprecedented challenges of surviving in an unfamiliar and hostile setting.
The poet responded to the Covid-19 pandemic and other evils that have afflicted humanity with his poem “The Next Evil.” “The Next Evil” is a poem that dwells on hope and resilience. The poem’s opening line is a rhetorical question that challenges the thought that hopelessness is the worst affliction we can endure as humans. The lines: “What is the next evil that can befall a man who wakes up from a sleepless night thinking he has lost all light to multiple layers of plight?” is an assertion that hope is the foundation of our beliefs and credence as humans, even in our most desolate moments. In a world that has experienced several physical wars, conflicts, pandemics, lockdowns, and violence, this is a reminder that optimism remains the sole remedy for an uncertain future.
I can’t think of a better way to end this review than by enclosing it with my own poem:
You are the one who speaks truth to power,
The one whose pen breathes for justice
In a land where truth is forbidden
You are the one who challenges the authority
Of the snakes who lure their people
into a den of torture
When the gates of fairness are locked
You command your pen to seek redress.
If not you, what then is the meaning of justice?
And when the voices of the oppressed are silenced,
you amplify their cries, a beacon in the night.
Your words are a ray of hope and a call to action to fight for what is right.
Arts & Culture
Ojude Oba Poised To Become A Global Event – Abiodun
Published
9 months agoon
June 19, 2024
Arts & Culture
Meet Shaibu Husseini, The New Sheriff At NFVCB
Published
1 year agoon
January 13, 2024
By Esther Kainebi-Daniel
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Friday, January 12, approved the appointment of Dr. Shaibu Husseini as the new Director General of the National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB), succeeding Adedayo Thomas.
Dr Shaibu, is a celebrated journalist, performing artist, cultural administrator, public relations and media expert, and film curator. He is an alumnus of Lagos State University (LASU) where he studied Mass Communication at the institution’s School of Communication and earned a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc First Class) in Mass Communication, the University of Lagos (UNILAG), where he earned Master of Science (M.Sc) wiith Distinction, and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Mass Communication . His PhD was on film studies as his thesis examined the ‘Structure of Film Production Companies in Nollywood’.
A trained and seasoned theatre, film, broadcast, public relations and culture expert, he is reputed as one of the most consistent documentarists of Nigeria’s vibrant film and movie industry Nollywood and he is an astute commentator on arts, theatre and film development in Nigeria and the continent of Africa.
In 2014, he was honoured for his contributions to the development of Nigerian film industry by Nollywood Film Festival in Germany.
He has been the chairman of the College of Screeners and a member of Jury Board of Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) for many years.
An alumnus of the United States International Visitors Leadership Programme and the AIG-Public Leaders Programme of the Blavtanik School of Governance of the University of Oxford; Dr Shaibu was one time Secretary of the Governing Board of the National Theatre/National Troupe of Nigeria (from 2011 to 2015). He was appointed Director of Dance and Music and Head of the Strategic Communication Unit of the National Troupe of Nigeria.
Dr Shaibu has been the Chair, for 16 years running, of the Selection Committee of Africa’s premier film award – the Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) and a member of the prestigious AMAA jury.
He has attended several conferences, workshops and festivals and has sat and currently sits on a number of local and international Committees on film, theatre and allied matters including serving on the Board and on the jury of a number of Festivals, Awards and Committees including the Board of the Mainframe Film Institute run by the legendary Tunde Kelani, the board of In-short International Film Festival and on the Board of the Bank of Industry (BOI) Nollywood Fund.
Author of ‘Moviedom: The Nollywood Narratives’, Dr Shaibu is a Senior Teaching and Research Fellow at the Mass Communication Department of the University of Lagos and he was a former member of the Nigeria Official Selection Committee charged with the responsibility of deciding Nigeria’s entry for the Best International Film category of the Oscars.
He is currently a voting member of International Golden Globes Award and a consultant to the Berlin International Film Festival. He has served and still serves as a resource person, trainer in the field of theatre, culture and mass communication.
The new NFVCB DG was a pioneer artiste of the National Troupe of Nigeria; he has considerable theoretical, practical and field experience in the area of theatre, cultural administration as well as in public relations, advertising, journalism, broadcasting and film.
He considers himself an enthusiastic, dedicated, detailed and capable theory cum practically oriented professional who is able to improve the ability of an organisation to deliver outcomes that matter.
NEW TIMES CULTURE

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