Opinion
An Encounter With Toyin Falola: Between Celebration And Canonization Of Intellectuals
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
As is to be expected in any gathering of intellectuals, the recent special event to celebrate the scholarship of Prof. Adeshina Afolayan, a teacher in the philosophy department at the University of Ibadan, was such a highly engaging seminal offering. There were students, scholars and academics from all over to raise issues with a specific corpus authored by Afolayan. Moderated by Nimi Wariboko, the Walter G. Muelder Professor of Social Ethics at Boston University, the conversation did not only focus on Afolayan’s ideas in relations to what has been called the “African predicaments,” it also generated unique reassessments of issues that no one expected to surface, but you never can tell when scholars, academics and intellectuals begin to shoot ideas. And in this instance, yours sincerely was caught in the middle of the sparks of discursive argumentation.
When Toyin Falola, the grand master of arguments and insights, and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities, took the Zoom stand, we expected nothing less than provocations and deep reflective points. Aside from paying tributes to the scholarship of Afolayan, Prof. Falola raised issues with the perceived predilection in Africa and Nigeria specifically to canonize intellectuals and scholars precipitately. According to him, “in Nigerian scholarship, isn’t it the problem that we raise canons so quickly? Part of the argument I have raised…is that we invented canons too quickly, and [this is done] over time you begin to doubt their contributions.” “Professor Olaopa is here; he raised [Prof. Ojetunji] Aboyade and [Prof. Akinlawon] Mabogunje to the level of canons…. We have raised [Prof. Kenneth] Dike to the level of canons. In fact, the principal thing they attributed to Dike, he never did. They said he pioneered the use of oral tradition in history; he did not. Not even in a single essay. But they keep repeating that point. So, whether it is in history or philosophy or literature, we raise these canons too quickly. And once you raise canons too quickly, measuring the impact of those who follow in an appropriate manner becomes problematic.” He then went on to advocate the fundamental need to challenge these canons through a process of rupturing. For him, there is a need to speak to the rupture in scholarship rather than the reproduction of scholarship. He insisted that there is a significant and critical difference. “Scholarship grows when you rupture it,” he argued. So, “how do we go back to these canons and begin to rupture them?”
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This is quite provocative, and more so that it deliberately targets a crucial dimension of my public education commentaries. For many years now, I have cultivated the objective of critically identifying and celebrating those I call “intellectual heroes”—a critical corps of Nigerians, scholars, intellectuals, academics, professionals, civil servants who have done a lot, within their competence, endowments and capital to serve the Nigerian state and its national project. And these patriotic individuals have done so either within the ambit of their professional flexibility and even outside of it. To just mention a few: Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chimamanda Adichie, Chief Jerome Udoji, Kenneth Dike, Wole Soyinka, Billy Dudley, Claude Ake, Peter Ekeh, Chinua Achebe, Bolanle Awe, Teslim Elias, Babatunde Fafunwa, Simeon Adebo, Bala Usman, Eni Njoku, Ojetunji Aboyade, Ayodele Awojobi, Nana Binta Fodio, (Ali Mazrui and Richard Joseph inclusive), Akinlawon Mabogunje, Oladipo Akinkugbe, Matthew Hassan Kukah, and so many more. These Nigerians, against all odds, have engaged with the Nigerian state and her predicaments to push forward the boundaries of social change. My efforts at highlighting and celebrating these Nigerians, I consider to be a service to the history of intellectual ideas in Nigeria.
And that project of intellectual heroes commenced in 1997 when I invited the late Prof. Claude Ake to pen the foreword to A Prophet is with Honour: The Life and Times of Ojetunji Aboyade. In that foreword, Ake lamented the lack of heroes in a country like Nigeria that sorely needs them. Heroes, according to him, are the embodiment of what a country values. And this is precisely where, according to him, the paradox of the Nigeria state resides: “The country yearns for heroes, acknowledges none and it devalues and derails those who could be. Nigeria has no standards and no heroes.” The intellectual history of the Nigerian state ought to provide the template for tracking the intellectual and scholarly trajectories and dynamics of those who have contributed and are contributing to the intellectual foundations of a country. And my objective is to set the pace in generating a list, together with an outline of their contributions, placed within the theoretical ambit of intellectual, social and generational capitals that Nigeria ought to harness for nation building and national development.
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The point of this project, for me, is to set up these figures and individuals as the ready space of heroic framework that serves not only the Nigerian state but also the Nigerian society as a set of role models the Nigerian youth can look up to. No one will doubt the extent of the sociocultural anomie that has engulfed the country. There is a global perception of Nigeria as a country of scammers, and criminality has become the order of the day. And when I established the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP), we were sure to insert programs, especially the intergenerational conversation platform, and the Leadership Development initiatives, especially targeted at the youths, etc. The idea is that the youth demographics need a template of leadership and mentoring that could feed right into the framework of intellectual heroes that I have been pushing.
Now, let us return to Prof. Toyin Falola and the challenge of hastily inventing intellectual canons. No one can quarrel with the argument about the relationship between scholarship and the advancement of knowledge that he puts up. Scholarship largely becomes unenlightening orthodoxy when the fundamental significance of ruptures is absent. And this is all the more so for the humanities that ought to challenge dogmas and doctrines. And when placed side by side with the critical relationship between the humanities and the health of the nation, we immediately see the relevance of scholarship for expanding the field of possibilities that could strengthen the social bond between the government and its citizens. However, my first response is that I doubt very much that what I have been doing is tantamount to canonization, and not to talk of inventing it too quickly. To reiterate, my intellectual heroes project is simply meant to point attention to the relevance of the figures and individuals I have identified beyond their relevance in their strictly professional and academic roles. Claude Ake, to be sure, is a giant in the field of the social sciences in Africa. I have simply attempted to redirect the focus to his contribution to the relationship between an intellectual hero and the task of deploying intellectual and generational capital towards moving Nigeria forward. That cannot be canonization. I am not even sure whether what I have been doing constitutes the first step or condition towards it. And my objective is far from canonization when I began.
My second response is to ask: what is wrong with canonization? Or more precisely: at what point in an intellectual or professional’s life should that process be jumpstarted? At what point in a person’s contribution to her field or to the society is canonization justified? Those I have celebrated have reached some form of professional, scholarly and academic zenith that qualifies them for my objective. Engaging their various endeavors with the Nigerian project, for me, is a sufficient enough cause to call attention to their contributions, and courage. Who would doubt the patriotism of Wole Soyinka, and his right to be canonized? But then, on another hand, canonization, either hurried or deliberate and delayed, is not dogma. The idea of canons, and canonization, is critical and significant to intellectual traditions in any society. Henry Louis Gates once said, “You have to have a canon so the next generation can come along and explode it.” So, Soyinka can be canonized, even if so that the canon should be exploded by the coming generation. The felt need to canonize, which necessarily occurs over time, cannot undermine the responsibility to rupture.
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The challenge therefore, I argue, is not in canonizing an intellectual. And more so, no one can stop any community of intellectuals who perceives the worth of a scholar and so deems her for canonization. That is, as long as there is no intellectual violence attached to rupturing the claim of such a figure. In other words, an icon must be ready for reversed iconoclasm that bursts the claim to an iconic status. Once an intellectual is prevented from an iconoclastic rupturing, then we are brought brutally back to Prof. Falola’s concerns. Even at that, I doubt that rupturing a canon is a collective responsibility that can be policed. Prof. Falola cited the case of an essay written to rupture the iconic status of Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, but failed to publish it due to warning from certain quarters. Is that a capitulation in the service of the canon? Like canonization, the service of rupturing is also open to those who feel compelled to do so, based on available evidence. And based on the courage to rupture!
Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS), Kuru, Jos .
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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