Opinion

An Epilogue To Armageddon: Power, Politics, And The Struggle For Sustainable Transformation

Published

1 month ago

February 5, 2025

NewTimes

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon

Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

This is a reflection and takeaway from Professor Adelaja Odukoya’s Inaugural Lecture, “Armageddon,” delivered at the University of Lagos on February 5, 2025. One thing remains constant throughout the vast span of human history: the distribution of power and resources continues to determine the course that civilizations take. Beginning with the biblical command, “Let there be light,” and continuing up to the frameworks of contemporary governance, power, and politics emerge as the two primary factors that shape human civilization. Considering the African context, this fact manifests itself with significant repercussions. The interaction between politics, power, and the accumulation of resources is at the core of the issues the continent faces regarding its growth. This highlights these forces’ key role in deciding societal situations’ outcomes.

The continent of Africa, considered the cradle of advanced civilizations and the place where humanity was born, is currently struggling with paradoxes that defy understanding. Even though the continent is home to large tracts of arable land, abundant natural resources, and an enormous cultural heritage, many of its inhabitants live in highly impoverished conditions. The dramatic contrast between abundance and deprivation is unsettling and instructive and should be considered. This, however, understood, sheds light on the historical causes of imperialism, exploitation, and structural injustices that have woven a complex web around Africa’s progress.

In Africa, the history of external dominance and internal strife has cast a long shadow over the continent’s political and economic institutions. This shade has been cast for a considerable amount of time. Throughout its history, Africa has been subjected to unrelenting cycles of exploitation. These cycles began during the mercantile period, which was the time when the continent was integrated into the global capitalist system through the transatlantic slave trade. These cycles continued through the colonial and neocolonial eras as well. Because of this, not only has its progress been stifled, but it has also established patterns of dependency that continue to this day. The mechanisms of government, which were from colonial control, were not designed to empower people but rather to extract them from them. Consequently, they continue to be fundamentally contradictory to the goals that the African people have set for themselves.

Prof. Adelaja Odukoya

For example, Nigeria which is frequently called the “giant of Africa.” This nation, blessed with an enormous number of natural resources and a rapidly growing population, exemplifies both the potential and the crisis the continent faces. Crippling governance challenges, rampant corruption, and systemic underdevelopment are all problems that are pervasive across Africa, and Nigeria’s struggles are a mirror of these concerns. Also prominent across Africa are widespread problems. Even though Nigeria is financially prosperous due to its oil industry, it has not been able to transform its enormous resources into tangible benefits for its populace. A cycle of poverty and inequality that threatens the very foundations of its society has been produced due to the misuse of governmental resources, which, combined with the domination of unproductive capital, has created this society. A fundamental cause of this ailment is the intertwining of power and politics with the systems responsible for amassing resources. Historically, political authority in Nigeria, as well as throughout a significant portion of Africa, has been used as a tool for individual gain rather than for the benefit of the community. It has become an arena for primitive accumulation, where the spoils of governance are dispersed among a restricted few rather than serving as a stimulus for progress. If anything, the state has become an arena for primitive accumulation. A culture of impunity has been maintained because of this, in which public office is regarded not as a responsibility but as an opportunity for personal wealth.

The all-pervasive effect of external causes makes this grim reality even more difficult to deal with or comprehend. The global capitalist system, which is driven by the dominance of neoliberal economics, has contributed to the further marginalization of individuals in Africa. In many cases, the structural adjustment programs, trade liberalization, and other policy prescriptions that international financial institutions have enforced have further cemented dependency rather than developing independence. Due to their actions, the state’s ability has been diminished, local industries have been harmed, and debt payment has been prioritized over investments in development.

Conversely, the story of Africa is not one of unbridled, unmet hopelessness. One finds many instances of perseverance, creativity, and promise throughout the continent. Every region has these kinds of examples. From the historical successes of civilizations including Mali, Egypt, and Benin to the contemporary developments in technology, arts, and entrepreneurship, the legacy of Africa is a monument to the inventiveness of its people. On the other hand, these pockets of progress have to fight the more significant structural issues that are stifling their growth. When the dichotomy of Africa’s wealth and poverty is examined through the prism of history, it becomes less confusing. Throughout the continent’s history of incorporation into the global capitalist system, the themes of plunder, exploitation, and marginalization have remained continuous. These historical currents, which date back to the mercantile and now reach up to the present day, provide crucial insights into the structural challenges that continue to impact the course that Africa’s progress will follow.

The mercantile era, which signaled the start of this system, was the moment when a forceful link between Africa and world capitalism was developed. Though it is sometimes romanticized as a chapter of human history that was unfortunate but necessary, the transatlantic slave trade was a purposeful act of violence that caused disturbances in African societies and economies. This incident resulted in a significantly lowered workforce for the nation and left behind a legacy of fragmentation and instability. Millions of physically competent people were taken from the continent under compulsion to reach this target. The mythology accompanying the ideas of racial superiority and cultural inferiority set the stage for later colonialism and economic supremacy of Africa.

Arguably, the most crucial era in the history of human exploitation in Africa was colonialism, a formal system of imperial rule and dominance. Between 1884 and 1885, the Berlin Conference took place, and a system of administration meant to extract resources was standardized. During this convention, the European countries divided the continent without considering the people or cultures already existing there. The economic plunder came from the colonial government, characterized by strict hierarchies and rules excluding particular groups of people. Infrastructure was developed to promote the export of raw commodities to imperial cities, not for the advantage of Africans. This was carried out to promote financial development. Indigenous knowledge systems were undermined, cultural relics were taken, and local businesses were turned to further foreign power interests. All these activities were carried out to forward the objectives of such powers.

The legacy of colonialism is still evident in the shape of governments created artificially and whose borders violate the linguistic, cultural, and ethnic reality of their people. These governments represent a legacy of colonialism expressed. Apart from fueling internal conflicts, these arbitrary limits have made creating coherent national identities that complement one another more challenging. The colonial government set a model for government whereby the well-being of foreign interests was valued above the welfare of the home population since it gave extraction top priority above development. The concentration on extraction of the colonial government helped to create this precedent. This tendency has continued from the moment of independence until now.
The independence movements raging throughout Africa in the middle of the 20th century brought about aspirations of a fresh beginning. Significant leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, and Amílcar Cabral once envisioned a continent free from the constraints of empire. Conversely, the issues resulting from neocolonialism soon superseded the thrill of freedom from colonial control. The patterns of reliance did not change since African states kept depending on markets, technology, and foreign aid. This made the patterns able to stay unaltered. At the moment, the West-dominated global economic system insisted that everything remained the same. This was done to guarantee that Africa’s function as a market for completed goods and source of raw resources stayed unaltered.

A domestic aristocracy emerged when the nation gained its freedom, reflecting their colonial forebears’ predatory nature. This elite so developed throughout the era following independence. Many post-colonial elites did not destroy the repressive systems they had created; instead, they reused the repressive institutions they had built for their financial benefit. The state evolved into a site for gathering primitive products at the time when resources were moved from the progress of the public to the enrichment of individuals. It became clear that corrupt actions were arising from government policies growing more and more detached from the needs of the people.

During the 1980s and 1990s, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) were primarily implemented by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These initiatives, notwithstanding their best efforts, kept the economic problems of Africa worsening. Regarding these initiatives—which were enforced as requirements for financial aid— privatization, trade liberalization, and fiscal austerity were the three most essential elements imposed. Though their intended use was to promote stability and economic growth, their influence on African countries was disastrous. This was the case even with development involved. Public services fell apart, businesses collapsed, and the divide between many groups of people grew as a result. Furthermore, the situation is aggravated by the acceptance of SAPs, which has not only neglected the fundamental issues of Africa’s economic crisis but also strengthened the continent’s reliance on businesses not native to Africa.

Given their frequency, the historical tendencies observed in Nigeria are rather obvious. Experience under colonial power left behind by the nation a legacy of centralized government and economic reliance on a single resource—oil. The country carried behind it this heritage. Policymakers have decided to keep a rentier system advantageous for a small elite rather than diversifying the economy and promoting inclusive development during the post-independence era. Hailed as a necessary corrective by its designers, the Structural Adjustment Program caused further damage to the economy during the 1980s, resulting in great suffering and disillusionment among the people.

Given the combined impact of these historical events, a continent is presently facing structural problems transcending the actions or policies of individual governments. These difficulties arise from the influence of several historical factors. A vicious circle has been created inside the company from the interrelated legacies of exploitation, dependency, and poor management, stifling development and compromising the hopes of millions of people. The organization has built this loop out of necessity. Still, history is not the same as fate. Though it offers a dismal account of Africa’s problems, the past also provides education opportunities and can impart knowledge that would enable one to recover agency. Strong refute to the theme of pessimism are African civilizations’ tenacity, the rich cultural legacy of African people, and the unrealized potential of African people. The fact that African people have always been strong helps to highlight these refutes. The challenge that has to be conquered to remove the long-standing structural impediment preventing the continent’s growth is entirely using these resources.

There is a clear relationship between power dynamics and the challenges Africa is going through now. Utilizing the interdependence of these elements, the structural flaws preventing the continent’s development come to light. Fundamentally, these issues stem from the state’s contradictory posture—an institution necessary for development yet often used as an instrument of exploitation via its policies. Every society uses the state to organize communal life, manage resources, and preserve security and order. Its efficiency, therefore, depends on its ability to operate autonomously and in a way that promotes inclusion. However, the African state was not meant to allow autonomy or inclusion in its governance systems based on its colonial past.

Conversely, it was a means of extraction, giving imperial powers’ interests top priority above the well-being of the local population. Even if this legacy has endured, the state’s power to carry out its developmental role has been compromised. Once the continent gained its freedom, the state became the main forum for conflicts about authority. The elites who took over government often saw the state as a means of personal enrichment rather than a public service forum. This approach produced a predatory state whereby access to power was equated with access to riches. Only a few people benefited from office, so the majority was disconnected from the governance procedures, and inequality was sustained.

The loss of institutional skills adds still another element influencing this governance challenge. Effective government depends critically on institutions’ capacity to resolve disputes, uphold the rule of law, and provide public goods. These establishments ought to be open to public criticism and be credible. Notwithstanding this, decades of bad administration and political party interference have eroded the institutions of many African governments. Instead of driving forward, bureaucracies have become bloated and useless. Given its regular exposure to political interference, the court finds it challenging to build public confidence. Despite their supposed duty to defend democracy, electoral commissions sometimes become battlefields for claims of fraud and conflicts. It is also crucial to underline that the crisis in governance transcends the home front. Moreover, the place of Africa in the world system limits the agency of its countries even more. International financial institutions, multinational companies, and governments from surrounding nations significantly impact African policy formulation. The influence from outside sources often compromises the national sovereignty and skews the development priorities. Regarding structural adjustment projects, for instance, outside players used these initiatives to modify African nations’ governance structures rather than only financial ones. As a result, policies placed market efficiency above social welfare, aggravating existing inequalities and widening social divisions.

Under the framework of this conversation, democracy has sometimes been limited to the level of procedural guidelines. Though they are vital, elections have become shallow rituals devoid of purpose. Often, the underlying reason for indifference—which results in poor voter turnout—is the lack of faith people have in the political system. Many voters view elections as spectacles in which power is distributed among the same elite coalitions, not as a means of exercising control over government. This cynicism reflects the greater widespread alienation from the government, a gap that causes unrest and, in some cases, insurgency. The increasing frequency of authoritarian impulses in many African countries still offers more evidence of the unstable character of the government. Military coups were once thought of as relics from the past, yet, in recent years, they have resurfaced in response to what are believed to be shortcomings in civilian government. These events expose the limitations of controlling ideologies that support power consolidation over variety and responsibility.

Notwithstanding the challenges faced, Africa’s governance condition is not entirely bleak. Every continent has examples of creativity and tenacity shown there. Rwanda’s post-genocide recovery—not without controversy—indicates that strategic governance has the power to be a driving agent behind progress. The somewhat calm change to democracy Ghana has gone through emphasizes the significance of solid institutions and constant political will. Though different, these examples provide essential insights to help us rethink the African government.
To move on with the route ahead, it is vital to rethink the state and its role in society. Governance must shift from being a control exercise to becoming a practice of empowerment to be effective. Not only is it required to correct the structural defects within the state, but it is also necessary to build a culture that emphasizes accountability and involvement before this can be accomplished. Citizens should not be considered subjects to be governed; instead, they should be regarded as stakeholders in the governance process. This is an essential requirement. During a transformation of this magnitude, it is necessary to have daring leadership, formulate policies that emphasize inclusivity, and be committed to justice and equity.

The inability to diversify economies is another aspect that adds to these issues. There is a correlation between dependence on resources and the development of other businesses, such as agriculture and manufacturing, which can build a more stable platform for growth. As an illustration, Nigeria used to be a world leader in agricultural exports, and its groundnuts, cocoa, and palm oil were in great demand during that period. Agricultural productivity and food security suffered due to the oil boom, diverting attention and resources from agriculture. This led to a drop in both production and food security. The fact that the nation currently needs to import a sizeable chunk of its food supply serves as a clear reminder of the dangers that might arise from excessive reliance on a single resource.

Despite this, Africa possesses a wealth of resources, which suggests there should be opportunities for change. Botswana and Namibia are two examples of countries that have demonstrated that effective governance and strategic planning can be utilized to make the most of abundant resources for the goal of development. Both of these countries have shown that this is possible. Additionally, Botswana has developed a comprehensive social and economic infrastructure by exploiting its diamond business. This has been a significant accomplishment for the country. The fact that its government has been so adamant about striking equitable revenue-sharing arrangements with multinational companies has made it feasible for its population to realize the benefits of the immense resource wealth that the country possesses.

These successful resource management cases teach us how crucial it is to be honest, own responsibility, and have long-term objectives. Through this, they demonstrate the need for African governments to reclaim control over the allocation of resources. Local institutions must be strengthened to ensure that trade and business are carried out more equitably, and global economic system improvements must be pushed for. The accumulation issue in Africa calls for reevaluating African economic objectives. Investing in industrialization and value addition will help to make resources more than just commodities to be sold. Raw material processing in African nations could provide employment, increase creativity, and help to retain more money in national budgets. On the other hand, large expenditures in sectors including infrastructure, technology, and education—which have not received significant funding in the past—are required to bring about this transition.

Africa is in a time when danger as well as opportunity abound. We need more than simply little, transient modifications or reforms if we are to advance. Reevaluating power, government, and economic institutions from the ground up will help us to do this. A strong dedication to justice, sustainability, and equality will help support this. Deeply ingrained in history, the issues the continent faces are influenced by power relations and maintained alive by structural inequality. We must have an intense and all-encompassing vision for transformation to address these issues. The most crucial aspect of this concept is that it will release African people. For far too long, African administration has been overly top-down. Elite decision-makers who lack knowledge of the hardships the people experience make decisions. If Africa is to be transformed, participatory government has to be the priority. Under this type of government, individuals have a stake in the future and contribute to making it a reality. We have to inspire an attitude of openness and responsibility if we are to meet this target. This will guarantee that governments serve the people’s best interests rather than those of large corporations.

A population that is informed, gifted, and capable of pushing for fresh ideas and holding leaders accountable depends on a strong educational system. Conversely, many African nations have underfunded education, so the next generations of young people are unprepared to operate in a fast-changing world economy. More money is needed to arrest this tendency, and educational programs must also be refocused to include more cultural relevance, critical thinking, and digital skills. By arming people with the knowledge and confidence they need to oppose injustice and advocate change, education should be a means of liberation.

Another crucial component of Africa’s destiny is the reformation of its economy. Proper management of the resources on the continent might support industrialization and diversification. The nation must do more than only export essential goods if it is to do this. It must create businesses that enhance the value of these products. Investing in infrastructure, technology, and human capital during economic development will help African nations establish robust economies that provide employment and reduce their dependence on erratic world markets. Simultaneously, a concentrated effort is required to resolve the issues that have been influencing the continent for many years. Two of these include eliminating corruption, which costs money and time away from development, and ensuring that every person gains personally from economic success. Laws encouraging development that benefits everyone must exist to create a more equitable and stable society. These policies include progressive taxes, social safety nets, and equitable land distribution.

One should also consider how issues in Africa impact the rest of the globe. The continent reached where it is currently in the world order using long-standing exploitation and pushing to the margins of society. Countries must cooperate strategically with international organizations, support policies that promote fair trade, and expose the unethical behavior of multinational businesses if they are to regain control of the world scene. Africa’s nations must cooperate to safeguard their interests. Drawing on their shared past and resources will help them to negotiate from a strong position. Rich in languages, customs, philosophy, and history, Africa provides a wealth of knowledge and the will to press on.

Reconnecting with this past can help one develop pride and identity, combating the emotions of self-doubt and loneliness left behind by globalization and colonialism. If Africa appreciates traditional knowledge and modern science, it may forge a mainly African road to riches. This kind of living would be based on the continent’s past and receptive to the future. Africa’s development relies on the people who live there, even when all the policies and actions are taken. Past challenges have imparted valuable lessons and demonstrated the need to work together ahead of time and tenaciously continue. The several countries and cultures that comprise the continent must see that their fates are entwined and figure out how to cooperate.

The things Africa has to give are less significant than the issues it confronts now. The power of its people, the diversity of its cultures, and the volume of its resources define some of the most crucial factors determining a brighter future. If Africa addresses the issues impeding its development and embraces a vision of empowerment and sustainability, it will be a shining example of human triumph, overcoming its problems. This journey is neither swift nor simple in any sense. We must be courageous, inventive, and always driven to succeed. Still, this journey is worth traveling since it could lead to a time when the riches of Africa would be recognized as evidence of the strength and creativity of its people rather than as a contradiction.

Distinguished Professor of Political Science, University of Pretoria.

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Opinion

Professor Femi Badejo At 70: The Advocacy Of Equity

Published

3 days ago

March 7, 2025

NewTimes

Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

People who are well-grounded in understanding the operations of the universe would quickly tell anyone who cares to listen that life is about words, signs, and symbols. Individuals in this category do not suddenly come to that knowledge midway through their life’s journey but through experiences, exposure, and study.

Regardless of their cultural identity or ideological mindset, everyone would accept that many things that happen in life are circumscribed by universal signs and symbols, which ordinary or inexperienced people may not easily understand. For example, where people are born and the environment where they grow up are vital signs that sometimes determine the trajectory of their life journey.

These things constitute what should be called signs because where we are born, and the environment where we grow up is crucial in shaping a few things in our lives, especially how we see the world or how we socialize in it, leading to the manner of which we negotiate the unfurling activities. More importantly, one’s lifelong destiny is often shaped by confident choices that humans make, especially the choice of what career path to follow or one’s ambition concerning one’s intellectual evolution. Professor Badejo’s signs and symbols of greatness are easily unmasked by his life’s series of activities, especially his career choices. Anyone expert in political science and law should excel in what they do, except if they do not have enough discipline to see themselves through.

The world has long cultivated the habit of celebrating individuals with outstanding contributions to the human world, and it is no coincidence that Professor Badejo falls into this category. The signs have always been there that an individual of his intellectual strength and persuasion cannot but contribute significantly to the straightening of things in a chaotic world, particularly in their conviction that as the world operates today, issues and activities are not orderly or in a right direction to guarantee collective advancement.

It cannot be overemphasized that every moment in human history is always dotted with a fair share of critical problems that often demand outstanding individuals’ precocious ideas and creative ingenuity. Professor Badejo is a shining example of the quest to make the world a better place. His foundation in the legal profession is deliberate, for he understands early enough that people who would dare the devil in today’s global society must understand the operations of their activities and predict human steps. This way, they can make timely decisions that would change the tides of things for the good of everyone. As already implied, the world always faces a fair share of its challenges because there are individuals who are blessed to solve issues using their intellectual strength. As a professor and a professional in legal affairs, Badejo is very grounded in dissecting international issues so that people can have a proper overview of the interplays of power and contestation in the global community. In other words, if you intend to take advantage of the vulnerable systems of the world, people like Badejo would be there, reminding you of the atrocities sparked by the parochialism of your ambitions.

It is exciting to discover that Badejo has profound knowledge of political science, which places him in good condition to understand political figures’ operations, intentions, and inclinations toward whatever actions they embark on. It, therefore, makes it more rewarding for him to use his intellect to redefine public relations through political insights so that the human world will attain progress and sustain the one they have already accomplished. That Badejo has worked in different places, especially in international locations, using his educational insights and professional skills to improve the conditions of the world speaks highly of his dedication to making an indelible impact.

I cannot state enough how vital Badejo has been. As indicated, the signs that he would make such accomplishments exemplify his career choices. While we cannot deny his commitment to such ambitions, we cannot understate how he has dedicated himself to getting the best from his knowledge. We, therefore, cannot undervalue his dedication to academic engagements, as that forms the basis of his intellectual advancement today―one which continues to brighten his life in tremendous ways. At the international level, he has served in different capacities; the summary is that he was either contracted to use his wealth of experience to save the day or use his professional expertise to provoke a change.

His efforts in community development services, especially in his involvement with the international community or non-governmental organizations, have always demanded his intellectual support. This cannot even overshadow his contributions to building the world’s human capital. It is interesting to state that Professor Badejo is a teacher who has made substantial contributions to knowledge generally. Apart from being a seasoned researcher, he has always been dominant in teaching, producing a sizeable fraction of students who underwent tutelage under him. This explains why many people can attest to how profoundly this scholar has redefined how they see the world and the things in life. Teachers hold a good place in our collective lives because they sacrifice very much to mold people’s minds correctly.

Badejo belongs to the class of educators who make incredibly critical efforts to improve Africa. He has painstakingly conducted research to study different issues, especially in areas of political science and, by extension, the legal profession. His success is significant, and he is enthusiastic in his endeavors. I should inform you that although the activity of teaching is conventionally seen as restricted to the four walls of an institution, it, however, transcends such conceptual location; teaching is what we do when we enlighten groups of people, communities of learners, and class of individuals to impact them or provoke them to change socially.

It gets more enjoyable when you know that Badejo has made an invaluable impression on us all with his solid academic publications, from which many of us today learn. In 2024, Badejo published an exemplary work titled Nigeria Corruption Perception Data. Apart from the fact that this work produces an objective overview of how the country is perceived by its citizens and the world generally, it is also an indictment of the political class about how they manage the systems and institutions in the country, thereby affecting Nigeria’s political and economic destiny in some ways. One who knows Badejo knows that such academic engagements increase his adrenaline because it will use his intellectual expertise in that domain and allow him to present his thoughts or ideas to the people. He has consistently revealed to the world the undergarments of Nigeria’s political systems, especially how it has become vulnerable in the hands of the few who control it. In what manner and character does one explain the problems of unbridled leadership compared to how neocolonial Nigerian leaders have particularly (mis)managed the country’s available resources, demonstrating their myopic imagination about the future? Issues like this are always given the necessary attention, and it explains how Badejo addresses fundamental issues, not the periphery.

Perhaps because of his intellectual depth, he has consistently produced respectable works on African democracy, using the Nigerian situation as his experiment laboratory. On many occasions, he has suggested to the political elites that they should make conscious efforts towards transforming Nigeria’s democracy and save it from whatever problems it may face. He takes this position, knowing that it is the freedom highlighted by democracy that is fundamental to the creation of a functional society, which would produce the necessary atmosphere in which people can grow. He understands that although democracy may have internal failings and even complications that could be a threat, especially when mismanaged, it remains the only avenue through which divergent thinking can be amplified so that the best ideas and approaches can be born. Such an individual cannot but be celebrated and even appreciated for their invaluable contributions to the human world. They have paid their dues and thus would always be accorded royal treatment, for their voices remind us of what we should be as a collective and not what our impulses want us to be.

On May 15, 2025, I will offer an in-person tribute and a lecture in his honor.

Opinion

Natasha As Worthy Rebel

Published

4 days ago

March 6, 2025

NewTimes

Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

Elegant Natasha. Handsome Natasha. Beautiful Natasha. Nice Natasha. Sharp Natasha. Clever Natasha. Natasha the envy of men and women. Natasha of several qualities – above all, Natasha the rebel; Natasha a worthy rebel. Natasha a good patriot that is a worthy patriot. Everything the columnist has just stated or has just outlined or has just highlighted constitutes his interpretation of Senator (Barrister, Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s performance when she appeared before Arise News Good Morning Show on Friday, 28 February, 2025 to throw light on the drama that happened in the Senate a day or so before.

What was the drama on that day really about? What happened in the Senate between her and the Senate President was it really all about her seat re-allocation or re-assignment? Or, was it essentially about something else to entrap her – as she was allegedly told on the floor of the Senate on the afore-mentioned day of drama? The columnist saw everything as shown live on his television set that was privately power-generated (in this power-less or electricity-less clime) from the beginning to the end. The columnist wondered why, just why Natasha reacted the way she did, and why specifically she dared the Senate President the way she did. What was inevitably amiss? Why was/is Natasha claiming everybody’s attention the way she did (and she is still dong)? Why were her fellow senators, more than several of the male senators, I mean, flowing to her in her river of rebellion against the standards of the Senate that must be kept up? Was it because even if she was right in her classical democratic rebellion of a loner, it was necessary that the prestige of the great senators and that of their equally great but almighty President who is not more than first among equals should not be allowed to dwindle? And why was the Senate President so stupefied when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan brandished Order 10 several times as she rebelliously but decorously stood her ground, grounds or no grounds? Did the Senate President at any time try to have a bite or a taste of Natasha’s inviting stupefacient something that had caused him the stupefaction I was allowed personally to notice by the inner master on that day that the rebellious one knocked him to stupor – or to a state of near-stupor before his like-minded senators came to his rescue? All these questions are significant ones (or must be significant ones) for all those who desire to find a factual and truthful solution to what is growing to be a pattern of values between the Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator (Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the very wife of Mr. Godswill Akpabio’s good friend (or now erstwhile good friend?).

On Saturday, 29 February, 2025, that is, almost a week ago, I read entirely on pages 10-12 of Saturday Vanguard details of the Natasha Uduaghan-Godswill Akpabio problem and other proclamations, claims and counter-claims, including Natasha’s full interview she granted Arise News Good Morning Show which I had already alluded to. Natasha answered more than very satisfactorily all the questions put to her concerning the following: “allegations by a northern group”; “harassment of clerk and requests for CVs of staff”; “how the sitting arrangement issue started”; “denial of rights”; and “the night-cub incident.” My assertion(s) to each of her every answer is clearly clear and transparently transparent, and brings me to this conclusion: A highly brilliant and sharp female senator; a highly valuable, worthy, no nonsense female senator that Senator (Drs. Mrs.) Remi Tinubu, our President’s dear, dear wife, who is equally bright and brilliant, needs in her core team of patriots to help make our country reach its rightful destination. But I have no persuasive influence whatever upon her to make her see Natasha as I see her – or as I am seeing her. Yet I should tell her as the inner master tells me to say to her what I am now saying to her. Natasha certainly has her foibles – like all human-beings, including our one and only Godswill Akpabio. Her foibles, however, pale into nothing or insignificance in comparison with her positively rebellious bent and manner.
Since the matter between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senator Godswill Akpabio entered our television screens and newspapers and everywhere outside the main-stream media the Senate President has not deemed it right to claim our attention with at least one important line of defence from his own persuasive mouth. Why? Others, some of whom claim to be activists (activists my foot!) have been speaking for him. Why? If he does not want to say anything he should instruct his hangers-on, including his lawyer(s), his acolytes and cohorts and sycophants, and Natasha’s back-stabbers in the Senate, to keep mum until the brouhaha stills itself, evaporates and vanishes. But will it? I don’t think so until he transparently opens his line of persuasive rebuttal himself.

By the way, why did his wife, his damsel (who, like Natasha, is an impeccable communicator), come into the fray? What for? I saw her on television trying to persuade people like us in vain. After all said and done I exclaimed to myself “What for?” in the trope of a question. She said several things which I, as a literary detective and gleaner, punctured. I will only mention one or two here. (After all, I am not Natasha’s lawyer as I am not Unoma’s lawyer). She said, among other things, that no woman or women ever complained against her disciplined darling husband as a governor or minister – if I heard her well. I chuckled. No woman or women who succumbed to the sheets-whims-and-caprices of her darling governor- or minister- husband would complain openly or in loud silence to Unoma or to anyone for that matter close to Unoma. I put this to Unoma as a literary gleaner who is ever objective come rain or sunshine. Secondly, her open swipe at Natasha’s husband has drawn the very decent man who cannot hurt a fly out of his refined shell. I am sure that she and her disciplined husband have since seen and read the mature and refined letter of the highly cultured Alema of the very beautifully great Kingdom of Warri, the envy of many kingdom-less kingdoms, on what has been that shouldn’t have been.

There are other things I want to say but which I am nicely holding back as a top Niger Delta personage. What I can do best is to immerse myself in my own quiet way on how to bring this matter to a good and transparent end. The Senate President and the Alema of Warri must meet to resolve the knot in the favour of their friendship and that of the people of the whole of the Niger Delta and beyond. The situation needs to be remedied. I know how, but I won’t open my mouth wide here. For the time being, however, Natasha, our worthy rebel, needs to be appeased with appeasable appeasement by appeasers agreeable to the parties and all the parties in our Niger Delta and the Confluence State and beyond. I hope I am not building castles in Spain. Phew!

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

Opinion

IBB In The Annals Of Civil Service Reforms In Nigeria

Published

4 days ago

March 6, 2025

NewTimes

Prof. Tunji Olaopa

By Tunji Olaopa

The autobiography is a most delicate, complex and indeed disruptive art form. It is the autobiographer’s authorial insistence to be heard in terms of his or her narrative addition to a historical discourse. In fact, it is the autobiographer’s narration of the historical event from his or her own perspective. And more often than not, when the autobiographer is a fundamental participant in the event, the complexities of that event and the circumstances surrounding it are multiplied. Only very few autobiographies enjoy global approval. And that is because the art form is seen as an ego trip. That sentiment is summed up by the English biographer, Humphrey Carpenter: “Autobiography is probably the most respectable form of lying.” This is even made worse if the protagonists are critical individuals whose lives have affected national trajectories. General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) is one such critical protagonist, and his autobiography has arrived.

A Journey in Service has since started generating lots of furors in all strata of the Nigerian public space, online and offline. Lots of opinions have tied IBB to several significant historical moments in Nigeria, especially the annulment of the June 12 elections, and the demise of MKO Abiola. What many have conveniently glossed over, and a case I have consistently made, is that personal narrative in the forms of autobiography and memoirs serve a unique function in terms of their historical import. If A Journey in Service had not been written, we will all be gasping within the yawning silence of the political and administrative gaps that ought to have been filled with whatever the autobiographer has to say. But now it has been written, and we can then commence the journey of unraveling how the narrative fits or fails to fit in with the existing accounts of Nigeria’s political development.
This personal narrative has a critical import for me as a historian of Nigeria’s administrative and reform trajectories. The Babangida administration played a very fundamental role in articulating a significant portion of Nigeria’s administrative reform architecture. And so, that portion of the trajectory, and the entire institutional reform agenda of the Nigerian state, will not be complete without adding the voice and perspective of the key protagonist to the understanding of how the reform policy emerged. No matter what anyone thinks, the imperative of national history demands that such an account be added to the stock of what we already know, and to flesh out a better understanding of what we already know. The idea therefore is to see how the protagonist, no matter the groundswell of national opinion for or against him, fits into a larger picture of the political and administrative frameworks that enable us to see where the nation is coming from and where it is headed.

This is a task every institutional reformer must long for without getting sidetracked by sentimental opinion that accords blame and slings mud. This is part of what makes IBB and A Journey in Service such a delight for me. Unfortunately, the head of the historic administration does not consider that irreducible reform agenda that distinguishes his administration so significantly as to celebrate its conception, elements and operation, as well as its limitations, in a significant autobiography. That responsibility has been passed to posterity. This piece rescues that fundamental omission.

The pre-Babangida administrative reform narrative must always revert back to the 1974 Udoji Commission. That Commission is singular because it was the first to attempt an alignment between Nigeria’s reform efforts and the emerging managerial revolution in public administration across the globe. The Udoji Commission took its immediate inspiration from the Lord Fulton Committee of 1968 in Britain. The task of the Fulton Report was to inquire into the capability readiness of the British civil service to confront the modern British society and its technological complexity. Fulton’s most significant recommendation was the displacement of the cult of generalist amateur civil servants in an approaching administrative dispensation that requires a critical mass of new managers who possess the professionalism and specialist expertise to harness the talents needed to make the civil service economic, effective and efficient.
By the time the Udoji Commission was inaugurated, Nigeria had also reached the critical juncture where it became imperative to ask whether the Weberian assumptions underlying the British administrative legacy were capable of tackling the urgent governance requirement of a postcolonial society. The wage impasse which the system had been confronting before independence, for the Commission, was a symptom of a deeper administrative malady represented by a bureaucratic culture that had arrested innovation and entrepreneurial creativity in the analysis and implementation of policies. Managerialism therefore provides the most timely and perfect means of making the civil service system align with the goals of national development.

The Udoji Commission went on to leverage the global good practice of the time that calls for a new style of public service that deploys new management techniques of Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS), Management by Objectives (MBO), the precursor of what is today called the performance management system, project management system, among others, that were totally alien to the Nigerian public service, at the time. The new management architecture that the envisioned management system would have institutionalized would obviously have been inadequate but would have laid a critical substructure that would have set Nigeria on the new productivity paradigm that assisted Malaysia, Singapore, the Asian Tigers and many other developing countries that are within Nigerian global ranking at the time.

The most devastating blows that the civil service suffered were those created not by it but the governance tradition that militarism and “New Federalism” of the post-civil war years created where the rigorous analytical frame that governed development investment got replaced with the unreflective “with immediate effect” command and control governance tradition which created huge process, policy, capacity, performance and resource gaps. The Udoji Commission and its limitations, as well as the succeeding Phillips and Ayida Commissions, could be understood only within this military tradition of which IBB was a significant part. When he assumed office in 1985, one of the most immediate decisions was, according to his admission, the need to “strengthen the practice of the presidential system with clear economic, political, and social reforms to strengthen the nation as a constitutional democracy based on the presidential system.” Assuming the title of a “President” was therefore more than a mere nominal gesture to narcissism. Rather, he said, it was “a summation of our consensus on the need to preserve and strengthen the presidential system and make it work better for the nation.”

But a nominal title was not enough. A commitment to the presidential system, IBB insisted, defined the necessity of “structuring a reform programme around institutions to make it work.” And given the tension that already was prevalent in the heated polity, IBB surmised, the reforms that must make any significance must be as comprehensive as the administration could make it. And the first act of symbolic gesture was negative: the urgency of the need “to review the various draconian decrees, convictions, and pending cases that bordered on human rights violations.” The Exchange Control (anti-sabotage) Decree 7 and Decree 4 (Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation) had to be significantly reviewed. This was followed by the real positive task of reforming the economy and governance in ways that go beyond “knee-jerk populist reflexes.”

The task, in governance and economic terms, was therefore to “Remove the government from the role of an enormous money changer to that of an enabler of the appropriate economic environment. We also needed to let the economy, in general, breathe more freely.” It was to liberalize the economy and make government an able enabler rather than occupying the ‘commanding heights of the economy.”

Unfortunately for us all, IBB fails to dwell on what could have been a defining dimension of A Journey in Service, the civil service reform framework of the Babangida administration. This is shocking but revealing in itself. One possible reason is that the author subsumed the civil service reform under the broader political reforms: “Our political programme targeted the critical areas of political and socio-cultural restructuring highlighted by the Political Bureau report: the party system, the electoral process, including election administration, the federal structure, the civil service, and the problem of succession, including political leadership.”

And yet, this fails to do justice to the significance of the Babangida administration and its inheritance of the Dotun Philips Commission from the Buhari-Idiagbon administration. The Phillips Study Team is significant because it had the task of re-organizing the operations of the civil service in terms of professionalism that will eventually align it with the managerial revolution recommended by Udoji. And that reform effort alone cements his administration’s significance in the annals of administrative history in Nigeria, and a fundamental contribution to the cumulation of reform knowledge in Nigeria. IBB already gave the significant intellectual basis of the restructuring that was an imperative: to achieve “national rebirth and future greatness,” there is a need for political and economic restructuring that frees up the national space for transformation. And one way to do this, according to him, was cultivate intellectuals: “We needed the input of intellectuals to enlighten the business of government.” There was also the crucial need for the public service as the engine of government business. It beats me how IBB did not see that.

The Dotun Philips Study Group was constituted by the Buhari-Idiagbon administration in 1985, with the objective of undertaking an interrogation of the structure, mode of operation and strategy of the civil service in the light of contemporary administrative situation, as well as finding means by which the eroded professionalism of the system could be restored. After the 1985 coup, Babangida inherited the study group and transformed it into a full-blown commission whose task was to keep up with the objective of aligning the spirit of managerialism and a professionalized civil service with the form and spirit of presidentialism. This was to be incorporated into the total package of the Civil Service Reforms through a Civil Service Reorganisation Decree No. 43 of 1988. Given the administration’s concern with the rigid Soviet-styled centralization of the economy and the need to open the economy up to market forces, it was only logical that the administration would adopt the critical managerial principle of letting managers manage by having greater control on critical resources. This possesses the capacity to inspire a wholesale decentralization of the HRM function to MDA. The policy choice here is between centralized resource governance for example where the civil service commission wields constitutional powers for recruitment, promotion and discipline exercised at top management levels by the Commission while delegating the powers to MDAs at middle to lower levels.

The Philips reform was compromised essentially because (a) it took the issues involved in professionalism too far (for instance, by attempting to make a professional out of everybody within the civil service); and (b) its own unique managerial thrust was directed towards integrating the civil service into the presidential system of government, with one unintended consequence being that professionalization turned into politicization through an attempt, for instance, that turned an administrative post (permanent secretary) into a political one (director-general). And yet, this is not a failure because it was a logical reform complement to the short-circuited Udoji Commission recommendation of a public service founded on performance management, and its underlying managerial philosophy was significant in getting the Babangida administration its governance template for transforming national development.

I insist that an administration is only as good as its reform agenda, both in design and implementation. The Babangida administration gave Nigeria’s reform trajectory one of the key moments in the protracted attempt to translate the gains and efficiencies of a managerial opportunity to a bureaucratic system.

. Olaopa is a Professor of Public Administration and Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission .