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Area Fada!

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

    My life is a long story. People think I am wealthy. They get angry if I don’t give them money when they ask. People think I am powerful. They get angry if I don’t give them the connections they want. Even as I write, I have received requests from people asking me to push them forward for ministerial appointments or “something small” as that of Nigeria’s Ambassador to the Gambia. They want to exploit my little connections with our Jagaban, the Asiwaju of Nigeria, Alhaji Dr Chief Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is the fate of the big man, “My Oga at the top!”

    They want more. They want me to release the criminals in prison, bail out the crooks, and give them jobs in the nearest local government area. Falola is now the Area Fada; he can double as a criminal and ask M. C. Oluomo to vacate his office for three days.

    TF is also the Don! Angry undergraduate students who want an A grade for little work are angry. Graduate students, the climbers who want to succeed without morality, are angry. The one who imagines himself as a Nobel laureate thinks he is smarter than you. He models his achievements after you, but he hates you.

    The Don can be a Baba Isale, the person you want to chair your son’s wedding ceremony, thinking he will donate half your expenses. The Baba Isale can get you land to buy, but he can also take it from you. He is the “head nigga” in charge. Don’t confuse the use of nigga in Nigeria with the prohibited one of “Nigger” in the United States. The “head nigga” is not a racialized figure, but he is the “boss”.

    I am talking about the person you must have met at one time or another. The characteristics can be real, but they can also be manufactured. There is always that man or woman who generates concerns, fears, and worries. Today, the most common label is that of the gatekeeper.

    Like everyone before them, the 21st-century crop of young people has a peculiar language. A member of that vocabulary is the term “gatekeeping,” which immediately reminds one of the hired hands intended to discourage uninvited elements from wandering through the door. The symbolism does not end at a close relationship with the contemporary diction of youths; it extends to journalism too. Among scholars who study the fourth estate, the term gatekeeping refers to the media’s control of information and its power to determine what is relevant enough to be reported to the public. In digital media circles, it is the ability of software to determine the kind of information it should show users at particular points in time. Applications of the term in both contexts imply that media houses and social interaction apps are viewed as filters or, put aptly, “gates” in the flow of information. 

The same applies to conversations among young people. When used, gatekeeping often means that the person, institution or community referred to controls the use of information or the adoption of a particular manner of existence in the social space. The Baba Isale controls your lives by controlling information! Below, we consider the heavier imports of the term.

The Kabiyesi: Maintaining Cultural Ownership

Some individuals and companies control cultures. Cultural promoters have become “our oga at the top!” Outside the seemingly flippant usages that one might stumble upon on social media, gatekeeping carries substantial weight in intercultural or ethnic relationships. It typically comes into play in sectors like the entertainment industry, where certain genres of music are argued to belong to a group and should, as such, not be appropriated. Speaking of one, the emergence of Afrobeats into the global consciousness has sparked concerns that non-Africans may begin to leverage it to obtain a foothold in the African market. International stars and African talents have affected many music features in recent years. Where the subject of gatekeeping might then be relevant in this scenario is the historical tendency of genres to change hands from people in their original birth region to non-members with influence in the music industry.

The contention of black people and other persons of colour is that sounds that stem from a social struggle should not be converted into a profiteering enterprise by those who cannot identify with it or are even guilty of the institution of that struggle. This line of thought is evident in the rap music of black America, where lyrics primarily reflect the singer’s origins. Songs about gang violence, police brutality, materialism, slut shaming and commodification of females are regulars in the musicscape. When non-blacks, therefore, decide to follow the same path, they are mostly regarded as unoriginal and on a path to appropriation. And, validly, it is not unusual for white artists attempting to break into the African American rap scene to incorporate made-up experiences into their tracks to fit in. Yet, while the pushback against such pretensions appears understandable, people from the same black community attempting to gatekeep also imbibe genres viewed as predominantly white.

The difference here is the power dynamic. Unlike the former, who might face comparably minimal resistance in appropriating black musical mores, African Americans tend to have it harder as industry leaders are often white. In black American rapper Lil Nas X’s case, for instance, his song “Old Town Road” was removed by Billboard from the country category of its charts because it supposedly lacked the qualifications for that genre. This was against the popular agreement among analysts that the track did fit. The decision to remove his song has been viewed as coloured by racial sentiments of categories that traditionally should be occupied by white artistes. Consequently, we observe here the bi- or even multilateral dimensions of gatekeeping – black communities gatekeep their music styles to prevent hijack by white artists and vice versa.

From a Nigerian’s perspective, it seems like a steady pattern of white influence exists in the uptake of African music in the West. Cases in point are Ed Sheeran’s feature on Fireboy’s “Peru,” a song that received reputable acclaim as a single. When a collaboration was arranged with the United Kingdom’s Ed Sheeran, the song ascended to the number two spot on the country’s Top 40 chart. A similar reception of Wizkid and Tems’s “Essence” in the United States was also seen as partly influenced by a remix involving Justin Bieber. 

Ghanaian artist, Amaarae’s “Sad Girls Luv Money” and Rema’s “Calm Down” also became more prominent following features of Americans Kali Uchis and Selena Gomez, respectively. However, if like inclusions on tracks by Western acts are any indication, the dependency goes both ways. Sam Smith’s “Oasis” and Beyonce’s album “The Gift” are examples. While non-African musicians can arguably be said to possess respectable audiences on the continent, teaming up with locally recognized acts helps deepen their entry even further.      

Regardless of the dynamic, other instances of gatekeeping include sensitivity to expressions like fashion. Appearing in ways that seem to imitate a group’s style of dressing may attract reactions that fall into the bracket of gatekeeping, particularly if the said conduct was derived from a marginalized group. It is not uncommon to witness moments like this in white-black relations where people of the latter identity view cultural appropriation as superficial to acknowledging a longer trajectory of inequity. Thus, Africans may take exception to a fictitious case of the English monarch donning a uniquely African attire when broader outstanding relics of the colonial era are scarcely attended to. 

The same exists in the relationship of fans belonging to historically marginalized groups with their foreign idols. While possessing no ties that are immediately similar to that of the slave trade, Korean pop singers may find themselves on the receiving end of negativity if their art triggers the sensitivities of their black audiences. This is the case in many instances. The South Korean Hip Hop culture is largely seen as birthed by African American roots, a fact made glaringly obvious by the choice of some Korean artists to wear dreadlocks or dress in a way they consider reflective of the specific culture. 

The offence comes when Korean industry magnates use aloofness as a customary reaction to allegations of poor representation by the black community. What makes this worse and gatekeeping perhaps necessary is the tendency that popularized stereotypes may influence portrayals in environments with a shallow understanding of racial nuances. For instance, a need to depict certain musical acts as rebellious to norms may mean that the severe angles of African American existence, such as drug use and gang violence, are adopted over inspiring values such as those embodied in the civil rights movement. 

Therefore, when attempts are made to differentiate appreciation and appropriation, contexts like this hardly leave room for critics to concede. Here, it is not simply taking inspiration from an external tradition but running the gamut of true understanding of the locality and paying due homage to its history.

The Omo Baba Olowo (OBO)

The rich disregards the poor. To be fair, gatekeeping does not exist solely in intercultural transactions. It is present among classes too. The OBO is different from the street guys. Members of the wealthy cadre in society are not opposed to keeping people less resourced people out. The gradations of wealth translate to assessments of which personalities are nouveau riche and the ones belonging to an ‘old boys’ club.’ In both racial and regular contexts, people from the outside who hope to be accepted by the community must evolve to fit their perception of things. Black or white persons seeking to enter the exclusive communities of either will need to acquire a different brand of social intellect to avoid standing out or at least receive less sceptical reactions from hosts. The problem arises when the exclusionary tendencies of cultural and material groups morph into us versus them dynamic, an outcome that is often wont to be the case, and the result is a fairly impossible battle for the upper hand.

The Japa

Nigerians in the diaspora have become arrogant to a fault. The yeye man in New York is our new Area Fada! We cannot ignore the impacts of globalization in all of these as it is often the vehicle for disseminating formerly isolated cultural elements. Various voices can now include their prints in global conversations through digital platforms. That channel means they might also have to spectate as others refine their values in ways that may not satisfy them. However, within this are opportunities. It is admittedly more of a drawn-out strategy as the internet already erases notions of exclusive control, but people who desire to partake in foreign expressions of their narratives can also influence it through the same media that let them out. Sustained virtual activity against authors, such as those in the Asian context, can help evolve attitudes towards marginalized groups. 

And since the internet allows a surplus level of autonomy outside conventional media, the intending watchers of culture usages can successfully evade the whims of media “gatekeepers”. People on the other end who frequently stand charges for appropriation must also be prepared to have open conversations addressing touchy areas. As opposed to simple pivots to defences like colour blindness, conflicts might be easily avoided when respect is given to individual cultures.     

I am not your Area Fada! I am not your Don! I live in the valleys as you do, not your Oga at the top. Look elsewhere. Many of you have become Area Fadas, although you don’t know it. Watch out for the signs. The person who boasts about his comfortable house in London to someone in Lagos is our new Area Fada! Then, you should insult him. When you see yourself as an intellectual superior to others, you and thugs should be treated similarly: the thug is using a gun, and you are using the pen. The man who sees himself as the Don may have the beginning of mental illness; the arrogance means they should abuse him until he is treated at Aro. When you torment others after converting your dollar to naira, you are the “Head Nigga,” the Obaluaye of Niger Delta, messaging others that their lives are not good enough and they should attempt suicide. The elephant may be big, and the monkey may be small. Mr. Elephant should be careful not to see the monkey as hungry as it does not beg for food. Mr. Area Fada, we don’t need your food. The Don, your knowledge has not transformed our country—keep your ideas away from us. Mr. Oga, you are not the one feeding my family.

Area Fada, success is not eternal. Where is Winston Churchill? 

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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