Opinion
Area Fada!
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
My life is a long story. People think I am wealthy. They get angry if I don’t give them money when they ask. People think I am powerful. They get angry if I don’t give them the connections they want. Even as I write, I have received requests from people asking me to push them forward for ministerial appointments or “something small” as that of Nigeria’s Ambassador to the Gambia. They want to exploit my little connections with our Jagaban, the Asiwaju of Nigeria, Alhaji Dr Chief Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is the fate of the big man, “My Oga at the top!”
They want more. They want me to release the criminals in prison, bail out the crooks, and give them jobs in the nearest local government area. Falola is now the Area Fada; he can double as a criminal and ask M. C. Oluomo to vacate his office for three days.
TF is also the Don! Angry undergraduate students who want an A grade for little work are angry. Graduate students, the climbers who want to succeed without morality, are angry. The one who imagines himself as a Nobel laureate thinks he is smarter than you. He models his achievements after you, but he hates you.
The Don can be a Baba Isale, the person you want to chair your son’s wedding ceremony, thinking he will donate half your expenses. The Baba Isale can get you land to buy, but he can also take it from you. He is the “head nigga” in charge. Don’t confuse the use of nigga in Nigeria with the prohibited one of “Nigger” in the United States. The “head nigga” is not a racialized figure, but he is the “boss”.
I am talking about the person you must have met at one time or another. The characteristics can be real, but they can also be manufactured. There is always that man or woman who generates concerns, fears, and worries. Today, the most common label is that of the gatekeeper.
Like everyone before them, the 21st-century crop of young people has a peculiar language. A member of that vocabulary is the term “gatekeeping,” which immediately reminds one of the hired hands intended to discourage uninvited elements from wandering through the door. The symbolism does not end at a close relationship with the contemporary diction of youths; it extends to journalism too. Among scholars who study the fourth estate, the term gatekeeping refers to the media’s control of information and its power to determine what is relevant enough to be reported to the public. In digital media circles, it is the ability of software to determine the kind of information it should show users at particular points in time. Applications of the term in both contexts imply that media houses and social interaction apps are viewed as filters or, put aptly, “gates” in the flow of information.
The same applies to conversations among young people. When used, gatekeeping often means that the person, institution or community referred to controls the use of information or the adoption of a particular manner of existence in the social space. The Baba Isale controls your lives by controlling information! Below, we consider the heavier imports of the term.
The Kabiyesi: Maintaining Cultural Ownership
Some individuals and companies control cultures. Cultural promoters have become “our oga at the top!” Outside the seemingly flippant usages that one might stumble upon on social media, gatekeeping carries substantial weight in intercultural or ethnic relationships. It typically comes into play in sectors like the entertainment industry, where certain genres of music are argued to belong to a group and should, as such, not be appropriated. Speaking of one, the emergence of Afrobeats into the global consciousness has sparked concerns that non-Africans may begin to leverage it to obtain a foothold in the African market. International stars and African talents have affected many music features in recent years. Where the subject of gatekeeping might then be relevant in this scenario is the historical tendency of genres to change hands from people in their original birth region to non-members with influence in the music industry.
The contention of black people and other persons of colour is that sounds that stem from a social struggle should not be converted into a profiteering enterprise by those who cannot identify with it or are even guilty of the institution of that struggle. This line of thought is evident in the rap music of black America, where lyrics primarily reflect the singer’s origins. Songs about gang violence, police brutality, materialism, slut shaming and commodification of females are regulars in the musicscape. When non-blacks, therefore, decide to follow the same path, they are mostly regarded as unoriginal and on a path to appropriation. And, validly, it is not unusual for white artists attempting to break into the African American rap scene to incorporate made-up experiences into their tracks to fit in. Yet, while the pushback against such pretensions appears understandable, people from the same black community attempting to gatekeep also imbibe genres viewed as predominantly white.
The difference here is the power dynamic. Unlike the former, who might face comparably minimal resistance in appropriating black musical mores, African Americans tend to have it harder as industry leaders are often white. In black American rapper Lil Nas X’s case, for instance, his song “Old Town Road” was removed by Billboard from the country category of its charts because it supposedly lacked the qualifications for that genre. This was against the popular agreement among analysts that the track did fit. The decision to remove his song has been viewed as coloured by racial sentiments of categories that traditionally should be occupied by white artistes. Consequently, we observe here the bi- or even multilateral dimensions of gatekeeping – black communities gatekeep their music styles to prevent hijack by white artists and vice versa.
From a Nigerian’s perspective, it seems like a steady pattern of white influence exists in the uptake of African music in the West. Cases in point are Ed Sheeran’s feature on Fireboy’s “Peru,” a song that received reputable acclaim as a single. When a collaboration was arranged with the United Kingdom’s Ed Sheeran, the song ascended to the number two spot on the country’s Top 40 chart. A similar reception of Wizkid and Tems’s “Essence” in the United States was also seen as partly influenced by a remix involving Justin Bieber.
Ghanaian artist, Amaarae’s “Sad Girls Luv Money” and Rema’s “Calm Down” also became more prominent following features of Americans Kali Uchis and Selena Gomez, respectively. However, if like inclusions on tracks by Western acts are any indication, the dependency goes both ways. Sam Smith’s “Oasis” and Beyonce’s album “The Gift” are examples. While non-African musicians can arguably be said to possess respectable audiences on the continent, teaming up with locally recognized acts helps deepen their entry even further.
Regardless of the dynamic, other instances of gatekeeping include sensitivity to expressions like fashion. Appearing in ways that seem to imitate a group’s style of dressing may attract reactions that fall into the bracket of gatekeeping, particularly if the said conduct was derived from a marginalized group. It is not uncommon to witness moments like this in white-black relations where people of the latter identity view cultural appropriation as superficial to acknowledging a longer trajectory of inequity. Thus, Africans may take exception to a fictitious case of the English monarch donning a uniquely African attire when broader outstanding relics of the colonial era are scarcely attended to.
The same exists in the relationship of fans belonging to historically marginalized groups with their foreign idols. While possessing no ties that are immediately similar to that of the slave trade, Korean pop singers may find themselves on the receiving end of negativity if their art triggers the sensitivities of their black audiences. This is the case in many instances. The South Korean Hip Hop culture is largely seen as birthed by African American roots, a fact made glaringly obvious by the choice of some Korean artists to wear dreadlocks or dress in a way they consider reflective of the specific culture.
The offence comes when Korean industry magnates use aloofness as a customary reaction to allegations of poor representation by the black community. What makes this worse and gatekeeping perhaps necessary is the tendency that popularized stereotypes may influence portrayals in environments with a shallow understanding of racial nuances. For instance, a need to depict certain musical acts as rebellious to norms may mean that the severe angles of African American existence, such as drug use and gang violence, are adopted over inspiring values such as those embodied in the civil rights movement.
Therefore, when attempts are made to differentiate appreciation and appropriation, contexts like this hardly leave room for critics to concede. Here, it is not simply taking inspiration from an external tradition but running the gamut of true understanding of the locality and paying due homage to its history.
The Omo Baba Olowo (OBO)
The rich disregards the poor. To be fair, gatekeeping does not exist solely in intercultural transactions. It is present among classes too. The OBO is different from the street guys. Members of the wealthy cadre in society are not opposed to keeping people less resourced people out. The gradations of wealth translate to assessments of which personalities are nouveau riche and the ones belonging to an ‘old boys’ club.’ In both racial and regular contexts, people from the outside who hope to be accepted by the community must evolve to fit their perception of things. Black or white persons seeking to enter the exclusive communities of either will need to acquire a different brand of social intellect to avoid standing out or at least receive less sceptical reactions from hosts. The problem arises when the exclusionary tendencies of cultural and material groups morph into us versus them dynamic, an outcome that is often wont to be the case, and the result is a fairly impossible battle for the upper hand.
The Japa
Nigerians in the diaspora have become arrogant to a fault. The yeye man in New York is our new Area Fada! We cannot ignore the impacts of globalization in all of these as it is often the vehicle for disseminating formerly isolated cultural elements. Various voices can now include their prints in global conversations through digital platforms. That channel means they might also have to spectate as others refine their values in ways that may not satisfy them. However, within this are opportunities. It is admittedly more of a drawn-out strategy as the internet already erases notions of exclusive control, but people who desire to partake in foreign expressions of their narratives can also influence it through the same media that let them out. Sustained virtual activity against authors, such as those in the Asian context, can help evolve attitudes towards marginalized groups.
And since the internet allows a surplus level of autonomy outside conventional media, the intending watchers of culture usages can successfully evade the whims of media “gatekeepers”. People on the other end who frequently stand charges for appropriation must also be prepared to have open conversations addressing touchy areas. As opposed to simple pivots to defences like colour blindness, conflicts might be easily avoided when respect is given to individual cultures.
I am not your Area Fada! I am not your Don! I live in the valleys as you do, not your Oga at the top. Look elsewhere. Many of you have become Area Fadas, although you don’t know it. Watch out for the signs. The person who boasts about his comfortable house in London to someone in Lagos is our new Area Fada! Then, you should insult him. When you see yourself as an intellectual superior to others, you and thugs should be treated similarly: the thug is using a gun, and you are using the pen. The man who sees himself as the Don may have the beginning of mental illness; the arrogance means they should abuse him until he is treated at Aro. When you torment others after converting your dollar to naira, you are the “Head Nigga,” the Obaluaye of Niger Delta, messaging others that their lives are not good enough and they should attempt suicide. The elephant may be big, and the monkey may be small. Mr. Elephant should be careful not to see the monkey as hungry as it does not beg for food. Mr. Area Fada, we don’t need your food. The Don, your knowledge has not transformed our country—keep your ideas away from us. Mr. Oga, you are not the one feeding my family.
Area Fada, success is not eternal. Where is Winston Churchill?
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Opinion
Act Now To End Witchcraft Accusations And Ritual Attacks
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025Opinion
Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025By Dooyum Dominic Ingye
Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.
Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.
For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.
Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.
Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.
During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.
Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.
The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.
Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.
These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.
For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.
These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.
To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.
This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.
Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
Let me begin this essay with an open confession – by “open confession” I mean my saying it loud here about writing or speaking about this column’s present subject without difficulty. He is a man, a literary personage of distinction, whose writing span covers years upon years running into decades of verbal self-expression of longitude and latitude of dexterity. Where do I begin and end my scrutiny of Professor Emeritus Femi Osofisan – a distinguished literary scholar and professional of numerous parts that are more than numerous parts? He is a writer who is intimately concerned with imaginative literature; he is an academic/literary administrator; he is a theorist and critic; he is a playwright and dramatist; he is a novelist, biographer and short story writer; he is a newspaper columnist; he is a teacher and mentor; he is a poet, he is, he is a poet. In these listed parts and landscapes, so to say, in which we can rightly examine him without qualms, he so fittingly, so skillfully and so penetratingly distinguishes himself to the extent that we cannot or may not but see him as a literary personality whose stories constitute a story of how his imagination is kindled by experiences, that is, by happenings that were/are intrinsically insignificant and significant at the same time. What this means (to me) is that Femi Osofisan is one gem of a human being and a writer who appeals to me as a significant embodiment of our world, of our landscape, and his response to it.
Now my difficulty about writing about Femi Osofisan today should be apparent to my readers. I cannot possibly dwell on everything I have listed above – as important as they are because I really set out to view him as a poet, a well-languaged poet, of “a particularly wholesome or edifying matter of communication,” as TS Eliot would say. His two recent volumes of new and selected poems respectively called Remember Tenderness (Volume 1) and The Jeweller of Night (Volume 2: On Night and Life’s Mutations) represent faithfully and interestingly what Femi Osofisan (Okinba Launko – his pen name – in publishing the volumes) essentially means to me from my perspective or impression of the qualities of the poems that well define him as a considerable figure in the world of poetry and of letters generally.
In drawing my readers’ attention to Okinba Launko’s new and old offerings in this light exercise, I am not too certain if I should stick squarely to a run of the mill newspaper critique or do the run of the grain on a piece of wood reading distinct in a lavish manner from the former. Which one will delight my readers – my sophisticated and un-sophisticated readers – more? My rumination on the matter fetches me this answer: “Employ what inspiration fetches you to fit into the scheme of the length of time of your purpose and position at present.”
As a poet, what school of poetry does Okinba Launko belong to in our clime as his volumes reveal? Furthermore, what generation of poetry Okinba Launko’s volumes belong to – as the volumes equally reveal? What span of years do they cover or seem to cover in terms of the generations of poetry in our age and clime? These are weighty and difficult questions. I was a young man, a young under-graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria trying my hands at poetry and learning to hone my writing skills as a poet or would-be poet. Of course, at this time the great Chinua Achebe had published me in Okike, the very remarkable journal of new African writing he founded, and which is still existing. And my poems had appeared in Poetry From ABU edited by Brian F. Downes, an Irish, and one of our under-graduate lecturers who supervised my collection of poems which I submitted in my final year as the requirement for the Original Composition Course which I was the lone student allowed and expected to offer the course. I cannot remember at this time that I had encountered Femi Osofisan’s name or figure in the world of our literature. But something happened when the late novelist Kole Omotosho visited ABU’s English Department to deliver a lecture to us. After the lecture I remember asking him a question that bordered on the generation(s) of Nigerian Literature. I don’t remember that he answered the question to my literary or critical satisfaction. As the editor of the students’ Departmental literary magazine, The Mirror and one of the founders of ABU Writers’ Club, I was looking for masters outside the class or the generation of Achebe, Soyinka, JP Clark, Christopher Okigbo and others – who would stir us to write what we wanted to write. My stubbornly inquisitive insistence elicited Femi Osofisan’s name from him – but the poetry of the young Osofisan did not exist for me; it certainly did not ring a bell.
Let me relate another encounter. As an undergraduate, Onibonoje Publishers, Ibadan had accepted to publish several of my poems in an anthology – in which other poets – aspiring and established ones – would also be published. Just before I graduated Onibonoje Publishers sent me their contract papers which I duly filled, signed and dispatched to them. When I did not hear from them after a long time that was more than a pretty long time, after my NYSC year, and I was already in Zaria as a Graduate Assistant, I travelled to Ibadan. Who did I meet there in the publishers’ office – but Kole Omotosho? He told me after hearing my story that Femi Osofisan was the editor of the envisaged anthology committed to the kind of poetry that world allow young writers/poets to use their voices to lead other younger ones the use of their own voices in an original manner. Up to this moment, even though we had ceaselessly seen or met each other at different times, I had not raised the issue with Osofisan whose figure has since loomed large in our consciousness. (Kole Omotosho informed me then in Ibadan that Onibonoje Publishers had some publishing hiccups which I presumed was why the anthology did not eventually see the light of the day).
Now, why this lengthy tale? It is germane, from my point of view, to the matter of the generation of poetry Okinba Launko two volumes that are well-languaged belong to. If at the time I alluded to Femi Osofisan had not made a name as a poet, but as a play-wright and dramatist, can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a predecessor? And from another point of view can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a contemporary? The year I mean in this reference to the master of drama and now of poetry after the generation of the big four – Achebe, JP Clark, Soyinka and Okigbo – is from 1975 on.
To be Continued.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
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