Opinion
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu And The Appointment With Destiny
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
The concept of destiny is one that is veryc charged philosophically. Within the Yoruba cultural context, it is one of those concepts that does not avail one of any easy answer. But I am not entering into any philosophical discourse in this piece, even though there are those who strongly believe that Nigeria is doomed to keep repeating the errors of history that have led us to a political and developmental cul de sac. Those who hold this view have their arguments. One of these is that since independence, Nigeria has not yielded to any workable paradigm or blueprint that could serve as a way out of her postcolonial predicaments or as a template to benchmark one. And each successive government, since 1960, has always been left with a sour taste of governance failure that leaves Nigerian gasping for breath in existential pain.
But then, I doubt that the political pessimists about Nigeria and her future wellbeing can hold on to the argument of a Nigerian state locked in the grip of cosmic negative predestination. I am not a political pessimist. On the contrary, my entire trajectory of political maturation and consciousness has been targeted at understanding the possibilities of Nigeria becoming a great nation. And this is why I am very excited at the unfolding of new possibilities that the new administration of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu signifies. As I narrated in my memoir—The Unending Quest for Reform—a significant dimension of my intellectual and reform journey has been dedicated to building a corpus of administrative and governance repertoire that a good administration can tap into for the task of rebuilding the Nigerian state institutionally and managerially.
Before 1979, my politically innocent mind idolized the likes of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe who were both grounded in mythical robes for their political sagacity and adventures in the attempt to build Nigeria. It was not until I started studying politics actively at the university that I began to seriously consider the possible pathways by which the Nigerian state could shake off its colonial baggage and take a firmer foothold in the lives of Nigerians. For instance, while in graduate school at the University of Ibadan, I was able to make up my mind, through rigorous and discursive intellectual engagements around politics and political economy, about the possibility of a class-instigated Marxist revolution in Nigeria. And my realization was simple: a Marxist revolution is a remote possibility, if ever, since I figured that the nationalist movement that galvanized the struggle for independence was not founded on a real revolutionary ferment motivated by class struggle.
A new narrative was therefore required to understand Nigeria’s postcolonial political economy and quest for national integration and development. I switched my focus to an attempt to understand the political gladiators, like Awolowo and the imperative of leadership in molding governance philosophy and institutional rehabilitation. For instance, I have been fascinated with how a political juggernaut like Awolowo failed, for example, to break through the stranglehold of his Yoruba ethnic identity into general acceptance as a national leader. And from this perspective, one will find it difficult not to be curious about the political status and credentials of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, and his capacity to maneuver round the realpolitik, keeping his Yoruba identity while making himself acceptable to the Hausa-Fulani. With Chief M.K.O. Abiola, we had a sense of what pan-Nigeriana would have looked like in political history. Unfortunately, Abiola also succumbed to the imperatives of the politics that the nation keeps playing with her destiny as realpolitik.
From all this, only one possibility has suggested itself to me: a national leader that must break through the confounding and limiting stranglehold of ethno-religious identity and complexities must be someone who cannot be “normal” in the ways that successive national leaders and political elites have been. Such a leader must have, in a manner of speaking, dined with the devil while, in equal measure, have the backing of Providence! It is essentially this specific interest in the dynamics of Nigeria’s political class to birth national unity, and the search for the essence of a national leader that inserted the figure of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu into my research framework. This is a political elite that emerged within the crucible of identity and democratic politics in Nigeria’s postcolonial political landscape. And he has been on the ascendancy, especially through his undeniable successes as the governor of Lagos State, and the godfather par excellence.
I suspect that it is only political blindness that will detract anyone from giving Bola Ahmed Tinubu his due in the transformation of Lagos State from “a symbol of urban disorder to a widely cited example of effective African governance,” as a researcher puts it. From taxation to basic infrastructure, and from improved law enforcement to expanded public service, Tinubu’s Lagos State became a significant example of governance and reform initiatives that provide an elaborate example of how elite ambitions can become a gamble on development. No one can doubt that Tinubu gambled on development in Lagos State through a masterly deployment of the strengths of visioning, strategic planning, succession pipelining, and grassroots politics with a large dose of subsidiarity.
But then, Lagos State is definitely not Nigeria (even though a lot of the strategic elements of transformation are imperative in turning a state or a country around). The Tinubu presidency is inheriting a country that is more divisive than when the democratic experiment commenced in 1999, with lots of discontents everywhere—insecurity, youth restiveness, banditry and institutional instability. Tinubu’s appointment with destiny must commence by a deliberate acquisition of the slogan that possesses more utility than it was allowed: “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” Functioning within this framework of detached effectiveness will allow President Tinubu to not only become the president of all Nigerians. It will also appropriate a charismatic stature that will enable him to institute a change space filled with high-end talents and competences—his first-eleven governance team—drawn up from everywhere and anywhere across Nigeria without prejudice to ethnicity, religion or political patronage.
Outside of all political and emotional euphoria, Nigerians want to see governance performance. And this is utterly impossible outside of governance and institutional reforms. Thus, this must be an administration that will place a fundamental emphasis on the value of a results-based managerial system with a performance-managed backend. It is non-negotiable, for instance, that the Tinubu administration must invest in the establishment of a special purpose vehicle-type flexible-membership presidential council on governance and institutional reform with the strict mandate to facilitate the implementation of public service reform blueprints while putting the entire government development agenda on a performance template. And the idea of a reform implementation council implies that this cannot be achieved by hanging on to the administrative acumen of a single person with the capacity to maneuver the dangerous and murky waters of political and elite interests that often circumscribe policy successes. This is one historical error that accounts for the “motion without movement” that undermines the successes of past reform initiatives.
The Tinubu administration cannot begin to lay a solid foundation for a new productivity profile for Nigeria based on an overall development performance if it fails, ab initio, to initiate a redefinition of the fundamental role of the state and the market in the development process. This redefinition comes with a large dose of ideological determination to insert vision and strategies in making Nigeria work. This ideological vision is what will undergird the attention that will go to the MDAs’ capability readiness and the unbundling of their service delivery functions along the ‘core’ and ‘non-core’ components, all with a view to being deliberate in engineering performance. The presidential council therefore becomes the president’s strategic means of pushing the reforms that open up and map the public service space to enable a system-wide reform transformation with multiplier’s effects on the MDAs. The council will not only require high-end reform-minded professionals, but also some internal governance strategies, like the appointment of an external co-chair whose responsibility is to ensure neutrality that is needed to drive the change management for performance traction. The council’s modus operandi will be founded on a performance management metrics that put cabinet members on their toes through performance agreements and contracts meant to motivate productivity.
The Tinubu presidency must be ready to reprofile the Federal Executive Council that transcends its accustomed status of being a mere statutory meeting dedicated to contract approvals. On the contrary, the FEC must exercise its capability for strategic policy reviews and assessments that track government’s policy architecture and governance progress through data-rooted quarterly special FEC sessions dedicated to evaluation and feedbacks that government immediately intervenes with. Such a reprofiled FEC will then give birth to a more proactive periodic State of the Union presidential address that is grounded in strategic communication dynamics meant to engage the citizens.
It is from this perspective of committed reform that I am expecting the governance revolution to come from. This is definitely nothing new for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He had once braved the fiery furnace of governance in the complex space of Lagos State. With Nigeria, we are talking about an economy of scale that is definitely daunting but not impossible to transform. Governing Nigeria demands that tougher decisions will have to be made. And I have no doubt that President Tinubu is no stranger to making decisions that will bode well for Nigerians.
Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor of Public Administration.
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Opinion
Act Now To End Witchcraft Accusations And Ritual Attacks
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025Opinion
Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025By Dooyum Dominic Ingye
Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.
Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.
For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.
Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.
Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.
During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.
Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.
The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.
Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.
These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.
For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.
These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.
To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.
This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.
Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
Let me begin this essay with an open confession – by “open confession” I mean my saying it loud here about writing or speaking about this column’s present subject without difficulty. He is a man, a literary personage of distinction, whose writing span covers years upon years running into decades of verbal self-expression of longitude and latitude of dexterity. Where do I begin and end my scrutiny of Professor Emeritus Femi Osofisan – a distinguished literary scholar and professional of numerous parts that are more than numerous parts? He is a writer who is intimately concerned with imaginative literature; he is an academic/literary administrator; he is a theorist and critic; he is a playwright and dramatist; he is a novelist, biographer and short story writer; he is a newspaper columnist; he is a teacher and mentor; he is a poet, he is, he is a poet. In these listed parts and landscapes, so to say, in which we can rightly examine him without qualms, he so fittingly, so skillfully and so penetratingly distinguishes himself to the extent that we cannot or may not but see him as a literary personality whose stories constitute a story of how his imagination is kindled by experiences, that is, by happenings that were/are intrinsically insignificant and significant at the same time. What this means (to me) is that Femi Osofisan is one gem of a human being and a writer who appeals to me as a significant embodiment of our world, of our landscape, and his response to it.
Now my difficulty about writing about Femi Osofisan today should be apparent to my readers. I cannot possibly dwell on everything I have listed above – as important as they are because I really set out to view him as a poet, a well-languaged poet, of “a particularly wholesome or edifying matter of communication,” as TS Eliot would say. His two recent volumes of new and selected poems respectively called Remember Tenderness (Volume 1) and The Jeweller of Night (Volume 2: On Night and Life’s Mutations) represent faithfully and interestingly what Femi Osofisan (Okinba Launko – his pen name – in publishing the volumes) essentially means to me from my perspective or impression of the qualities of the poems that well define him as a considerable figure in the world of poetry and of letters generally.
In drawing my readers’ attention to Okinba Launko’s new and old offerings in this light exercise, I am not too certain if I should stick squarely to a run of the mill newspaper critique or do the run of the grain on a piece of wood reading distinct in a lavish manner from the former. Which one will delight my readers – my sophisticated and un-sophisticated readers – more? My rumination on the matter fetches me this answer: “Employ what inspiration fetches you to fit into the scheme of the length of time of your purpose and position at present.”
As a poet, what school of poetry does Okinba Launko belong to in our clime as his volumes reveal? Furthermore, what generation of poetry Okinba Launko’s volumes belong to – as the volumes equally reveal? What span of years do they cover or seem to cover in terms of the generations of poetry in our age and clime? These are weighty and difficult questions. I was a young man, a young under-graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria trying my hands at poetry and learning to hone my writing skills as a poet or would-be poet. Of course, at this time the great Chinua Achebe had published me in Okike, the very remarkable journal of new African writing he founded, and which is still existing. And my poems had appeared in Poetry From ABU edited by Brian F. Downes, an Irish, and one of our under-graduate lecturers who supervised my collection of poems which I submitted in my final year as the requirement for the Original Composition Course which I was the lone student allowed and expected to offer the course. I cannot remember at this time that I had encountered Femi Osofisan’s name or figure in the world of our literature. But something happened when the late novelist Kole Omotosho visited ABU’s English Department to deliver a lecture to us. After the lecture I remember asking him a question that bordered on the generation(s) of Nigerian Literature. I don’t remember that he answered the question to my literary or critical satisfaction. As the editor of the students’ Departmental literary magazine, The Mirror and one of the founders of ABU Writers’ Club, I was looking for masters outside the class or the generation of Achebe, Soyinka, JP Clark, Christopher Okigbo and others – who would stir us to write what we wanted to write. My stubbornly inquisitive insistence elicited Femi Osofisan’s name from him – but the poetry of the young Osofisan did not exist for me; it certainly did not ring a bell.
Let me relate another encounter. As an undergraduate, Onibonoje Publishers, Ibadan had accepted to publish several of my poems in an anthology – in which other poets – aspiring and established ones – would also be published. Just before I graduated Onibonoje Publishers sent me their contract papers which I duly filled, signed and dispatched to them. When I did not hear from them after a long time that was more than a pretty long time, after my NYSC year, and I was already in Zaria as a Graduate Assistant, I travelled to Ibadan. Who did I meet there in the publishers’ office – but Kole Omotosho? He told me after hearing my story that Femi Osofisan was the editor of the envisaged anthology committed to the kind of poetry that world allow young writers/poets to use their voices to lead other younger ones the use of their own voices in an original manner. Up to this moment, even though we had ceaselessly seen or met each other at different times, I had not raised the issue with Osofisan whose figure has since loomed large in our consciousness. (Kole Omotosho informed me then in Ibadan that Onibonoje Publishers had some publishing hiccups which I presumed was why the anthology did not eventually see the light of the day).
Now, why this lengthy tale? It is germane, from my point of view, to the matter of the generation of poetry Okinba Launko two volumes that are well-languaged belong to. If at the time I alluded to Femi Osofisan had not made a name as a poet, but as a play-wright and dramatist, can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a predecessor? And from another point of view can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a contemporary? The year I mean in this reference to the master of drama and now of poetry after the generation of the big four – Achebe, JP Clark, Soyinka and Okigbo – is from 1975 on.
To be Continued.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
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