Arts & Culture

BOOK REVIEW: Pathways To Nigeria’s Future: A Review Of Toyin Falola’s Understanding Modern Nigeria

Published

3 years ago

November 15, 2021

NewTimes

In Understanding Modern Nigeria, Falola Directs Our Noble Cause

Raheem Oluwafunminiyi

Raheem Oluwafunminiyi

Nigeria has often been of keen interest to the international community. It is the most populous black nation in the world, has a vast deposit of oil and mineral resources, a sizeable youthful population, and despite its constant flip-flops remains one of the largest economies in Africa. Given its backward turn of fortunes for much of its post-military trajectory, one is not sure whether the country can still be regarded as the Giant of Africa. A look at recent happenings in the country would tell even the most disinterested mind that all is not well. The escalation of the Boko Haram insurgency, which is now over ten years and still counting, appears to have overwhelmed the Nigerian military with mixed fortunes recorded in its fight against the deadly group. The relentless killing and destruction left by marauding herdsmen across the country also leave a sour taste in the mouth. That would have been enough to nip in the bud if secessionist tendencies in the southwest and southeast of the country had not also left unnecessary destruction of properties and wanton killings of unknown proportion in its wake. Although temporarily halted by the barrel of the gun, the mother of it all was the #EndSARS protest that rocked Lagos, especially, and other parts of the country in 2020. This was at the time Nigeria was battling with how to manage the deadly pandemic inflicted transnationally by COVID-19.

Apart from the fact that Nigeria suffers an acutely debilitating security challenge, there is a reason to believe that the country is deliberately sabotaged on all fronts; otherwise, what could have emboldened bandits to the extent of kidnapping citizens, including corps members, and demanding a huge ransom with little or no intervention by the state? In any case, there have been fears within the international intelligence circle as far back as the early 2000s that Nigeria may witness yet another military coup, and in the event of one, the likely consequence would be a humanitarian catastrophe of huge proportion. It is nearly two decades since these fears first emerged, yet Nigeria somehow retains its unity, although predictions of impending crisis cannot be overruled. To think that these current challenges emerged in recent times would be to make a mockery of Nigeria’s turbulent history. It is on this premise that the book, Understanding Modern Nigeria: Ethnicity, Democracy, and Development, written by Professor Toyin Falola and published by Cambridge University Press, comes at an auspicious time.

Falola is a renowned Professor of History, University Distinguished Teaching Professor, and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities, the University of Texas at Austin, United States. His intellectual oeuvre is not one for debate, as one may be surprised to discover something new today while counting. His works on virtually all aspects of Nigerian everyday life remain unparalleled, and because they are highly regarded at home and across the Atlantic for their rich interventions in the African Question, they are counted as classics. In Understanding Modern Nigeria, Falola gives us a 672-page book, which is not only the most voluminous single-authored book on Nigeria’s postcolonial history, but it also virtually touches on and critically analyses three fundamental issues that have often eluded Nigeria’s path to progress.

Ethnicity stands out first as one of the most serious spectacles that emerged in the closing decades of the colonial period and played a very huge role in the sad political tragedy that befell Nigeria only six years into independence. On the one hand, the democratic experience failed woefully, not lasting up to six years after independence and stretching on to close to five decades after. Until 1999, Nigeria had witnessed seven military administrations which returned power to civilian rule, which the country has enjoyed for more than two decades now, although with continued threats of cracks. On the other hand, development is a relative term used in relation to how Nigeria has fared in economic, political, and social terms. The author analysed each of these three terms – ethnicity, democracy, and development – to make sense of how to “understand” how Nigeria reached its peculiar state of global concern.

What makes the book unique, unusual, and different is that it diagnoses several and very germane issues that confront Nigeria as a country and then does not leave the reader hanging. Rather, policies are prescribed to mitigate these challenges. In other words, Falola has written a book that is critical but highly beneficial for the Nigerian political leadership at all levels of government. It comes as a “first opinion” away from and outside the opinions served by public servants working in government that the present and successive administrations could use to gauge the feelings and feel the aspirations and pulse of the citizenry.

Divided into six thematic parts, Parts I and II both dovetail with one another. Part I introduces the reader to the intricacies of the book itself. Part II provides a historical context to understanding Nigeria from its colonial phase, which was marked by zealous nationalism and introduction of regionalism to the independent phase that triggered one of the most brutal civil wars in the mid-20th century, a post-civil war phase that grounded military dictatorship upon the country, and then a post-military civilian phase since 1999, which has left some distressing imprint on the country. Part III discusses ethnicity, democracy, and governance, three very disturbing themes that have become a stumbling block to Nigeria’s progress for much of its political history.

What later became known as Nigeria was previously an aggregation of diverse peoples who lived under different suzerains, empires, and kingdoms. While some had existed even before the creation of modern states in Europe, others emerged from the ashes of the fall of empires. Falola observes that the sad trajectory of ethnicity in Nigeria found its origin with the creation of regions and political parties. As he rightly claims, these political parties, brought about by heightened nationalist fervour, were nothing more than ethnic champions led by sons-of-the-soil. As the country became independent, these parties continued to play the ethnic rather than national card, causing internal crisis and schisms. The military had little choice but to dissolve what it viewed as cankerworms.

In Falola’s view, the Nigerian political class did not appear to learn any useful lesson from its experience and continued to strengthen the chord of ethnicity during the brief democratic experiment between 1978-1983. It is unlikely that any other lessons will be learned, given recent happenings in the country, at least since the 1990s. The book points to the fact that since ethnicity plays a major factor in successive governments’ decision-making, the governance of the country has been retrogressive. States like China and Myanmar, where state-sponsored killings target Rohingya Muslims in Southeast Asia, are clear examples of what Falola calls the calamitous experiment in ethnic performance, which is used as the basis for crimes against humanity. This part of the book is a must-read because it pays very strong and detailed attention to how the early political leadership missed the opportunity to set Nigeria on a sound footing after independence. The integration of ethnicity into the rubric of Nigerian politics can be a positive force. This is possible when the country’s diversity is harnessed by a leadership with a broader, nationalistic, and political mindset. A country that prides itself as a melting pot can, thus, benefit from a structured political process even if ethnicity comes to play.

Part IV shifts its analysis to the consequences of democracy and governance. The points of discussion here are ten-fold. Falola explains the corrupt turn Nigeria has taken, particularly with the country’s newfound oil wealth. As oil created the nouveau-riche, so did power become concentrated in the hands of a few. Criminality and theft surged even as governance became even more centralised. The country’s administrative structure changed from three regions to thirty-six states with 774 local governments, which pushed the grassroots farther from their representatives. Here, Falola shows that power was not used to develop the people and the country but rather helped reproduce underdevelopment. This explains why despite Nigeria’s abundant wealth, its citizens wallow in abject poverty, which has given rise to violence, all kinds of organised crimes, and consistent resistance against the state by very powerful non-state actors. Without overstating the issue, this part of the book is highly revealing as it touches the very heart of Nigeria’s development crisis. There is no better way to understand Nigeria than this.

In Part V of the book, readers are taken into discussions surrounding reforms and revolution, and here, I find the analysis on youth and politics quite interesting. The book highlights the fact that active youth participation in any society is often a determining factor in the socio-economic and political progression of such a society. This has been a difficult path for Nigerian youth, who are usually side-lined by the more wealthy and elderly political class and have been rendered weak and vulnerable to political machinations at all levels of governance, resulting in political apathy among them. Falola advocates for a more flexible system that would include the active participation of the youth in the governance of the country. He believes that this would help to ensure that vital issues concerning them are adequately addressed. There is so much to unpack in this part of the book, which is quite understandably so. The #EndSARS protest that rocked the nation in 2020 is a reminder that the youths, when provoked, can change the political configurations of the state. Falola makes it clear that protests are no longer called with a megaphone. Governments could either be removed or restored, not through the barrel of the gun this time around, but through social media. Several examples abound across the world. We are reminded that social media forced a Nigerian minister out of office recently following the allegations of a forged NYSC certificate.

Part VI concludes the book with “Pathways to the Future.” In the author’s view, the book reveals different components that are responsible for, and have a compelling influence on, the development of Nigerian society. It then moves on to identify the ways through which the country can reverse itself to strengthen its prospect. One of the pathways suggested by the author is for Nigeria to return to the secularist philosophy that should govern the conduct of a multi-ethnic, multireligious, and multicultural community. Within this pathway are several solutions that Falola identifies to guide Nigeria back on track, whether in mechanised agriculture, youth inclusion, friendly business environment, cultural revival, the collaboration between government and the citizenry, and most importantly, the eradication of corruption. Falola recognises that Nigeria’s challenges are daunting, yet they can be addressed with serious leadership convinced of the need to build transparent institutions that promote social justice and human rights, irrespective of status, age, or position.

Falola’s Understanding Nigeria does not give the reader a glimpse but rather a robust insight into Nigeria’s past and present. Due to his vast grasp of what makes up Nigeria today, the reader can now understand where Nigeria’s future lies only if we can look into the very rich recommendations highlighted in the book and make use of them. Whether one holds a political position or not, the book speaks to every Nigerian citizen who yearns for a better country. That the biggest supporters of government agree that the country seems to be on the brink of a dangerous situation indicates that drastic steps are required immediately to salvage the situation. By reading Understanding Nigeria, it is hoped that everyone concerned will be fully informed of their role in transforming the country for the better.

One of the main pluses of the book is its very robust use of sources that are directly related to the arguments raised in each of the themes. It is also written in very lucid language, and as much as possible avoids any kind of speciality. The author says it as it is and does not pretend to be all-knowing but rather allows the facts to speak for themselves. Not only are very concise and easily readable maps scattered across the book, but they also puncture very captivating pictures that help connect with the ideas spelt out in the book. These, I suspect, are deliberate attempts to make the book easily accessible and understood by all categories of people and ages. Now that, as part of government policy, history is taught in many Nigerian schools, this book will serve as an intellectual building block for young minds to know about their country’s past and present. It will also easily complement the work of geography instructors, but most importantly, the book is for a general readership. It is often touted that citizens are affected by collective amnesia because we lack a sense of history. This has led to the unfortunate retention of people with questionable characters in the corridors of power, despite the crimes they once committed, which are detrimental to the progress of the state. The book, therefore, makes for an interesting read for policymakers, political leaders, instructors, students, and virtually anyone who wishes to understand where we were, where we should be, and where we will be in the not-too-distant future in Nigeria.

To quote the author, “The objective of this book is to present the challenges of postcolonial Nigeria against the background of the expectations of its people.” If this has not been duly justified in a 672-page book, particularly one written by Africa’s most published scholar and one of its most distinguished intellectuals, anyone who feels otherwise should give us a far superior version of Understanding Modern Nigeria. Until then, Falola has given us one of the most authoritative histories of postcolonial Nigeria in recent times, for which we cannot but be thankful.

Raheem Oluwafunminiyi, an independent scholar, writes from Osogbo and can be reached via creativitysells@gmail.com

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Arts & Culture

Speaking Truth To Power: A Review Of Gbemisola Adeoti’s Stoning The Wind

Published

1 month ago

January 31, 2025

NewTimes

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon

Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

The principle of equality is theoretically recognized as one of the fundamental foundations of democracy. Over the years, scholars have argued that equality prevents marginalization, and that the absence of marginalization signifies the existence of egalitarianism. It is in this context that Gbemisola Adeoti’s anthology, Stoning the Wind, flourishes and is to be appreciated.

The poems in this anthology explore the origins of Nigeria’s sociopolitical challenges by revealing the corruption in the system. One of the notable poems which vividly describes this is “The Chameleon and the Soldier Ant.” In this poem, the poet delineates the distinctive traits of the chameleon and the soldier ant, attributing the features of the former to the oppressors (politicians) and those of the latter to the oppressed (masses). The poem reveals and examines the nation’s recurrent challenges with authority, power, corruption, and violence.

Since the dawn of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria’s elections have consistently been plagued by anomalies, malpractices, and violence. This ugly reality has forced many Nigerians to question whether their votes truly matter. According to an article by Budgit.org, the 1993 general elections remain the fairest and freest election the country has ever had. However, its annulment by then-Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, serves as a stark reminder of Nigeria’s history of dictatorship and abuse of power. The annulment of the election symbolizes corruption and misuse of authority. While in democratic theories, power belongs to the people, in practice however, it is concentrated among a select few, that is, the oppressors who wield power at the expense of the masses.

The depiction of the Chameleon “saluting the ground beneath the belly” and the “fallen leaves that keep a date with destiny” implies a veneration for the status quo and the government’s consistent nonchalance to the plight of the populace. On the contrary, the soldier ant, symbolizing the downtrodden section of Nigerian society, is equipped with a “flimsy trunk, a fat head, and two cruel teeth as tools of terror.” Despite the soldier ant’s ferocious nature, its power stems from “solidarity and the martial oneness of a centurion,” which underscores the significance of solidarity among the subjugated in the presence of formidable oppression. Perhaps a revolution is Nigeria’s only path to redemption—or perhaps not.
Gbemisola Adeoti suggests that true emancipation from internal colonialism (that is, from the ruling oppressors) lies in unity despite diversity rather than outright rebellion.

In 2019, Omoyele Sowore, a Nigerian activist and journalist, initiated the #RevolutionNow movement, pushing for nationwide rallies to confront the sociopolitical crises affecting Nigeria. It is noteworthy that such uprisings are not unprecedented in Africa; we can consider the Arab Spring upheaval in Egypt as presenting a compelling parallel. Following nearly three decades of President Mubarak’s unjust and autocratic rule, the youth and other concerned factions of the country mobilized en masse, compelling Mubarak to resign on 25th January 2011. Tunisia under Ben Ali is another significant example of an autocratic government. Ali ruled for over two decades without any evidence of economic growth and with widespread violations of fundamental human rights. This incited a revolution in the nation, compelling the dictatorial president to flee in 2011. Recently, protests in Kenya were instigated by contentious proposed tax increases, and the movement has transformed into a fierce campaign for more governmental accountability.

In the poem “Ballot Box,” Adeoti further critiques the widespread electoral manipulation that afflicts Nigerian democracy. The opening line of the poem, “The ballot box is a resonant box that hums himself of hope and gloom,” signifies that the voting box embodies both hope and despair in Nigerian electoral traditions. This is apparent in the nation’s electoral history, characterized by frequent controversy, violence, and claims of rigging. The analogy of the ballot box as a “harlot’s trunk box” illustrates how corruption has wrecked our electoral processes through greed and deception. This is one of the images which carefully depicts Nigeria’s corrupt electoral system. The 2007 general elections are a testament to this claim, as there were numerous negative reports regarding the electioneering. According to the Department for International Development, the April 2007 general elections were said to be the most unjust in post-independence Nigeria. Thus, there is additional proof that elections in Nigeria only benefit the privileged.

According to The Republic’s article “The Many Sins of INEC,” the author conveyed disappointment with INEC’s logistical difficulties in several regions of the country during the last elections. Moreover, multifarious reports of violence and voter suppression were made in major cities of the country, such as Lagos and Rivers. This further corroborates the claim that the innovations of INEC, that is, the introduction of the Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVC) and Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), have only brought retrogressive developments to the nation, as the body still struggles to conduct credible elections. The lines “Voters don’t count much as the counters of votes in power” mirror the tainted 2023 presidential election, which was marred by reports of irregularities from journalists and election observers, both local and international observers.

In a 2019 article by Yiagi Africa, it was reported that the 2019 general elections experienced one of the poorest turnouts in the country’s history, with only 32% of the registered voters participating in electioneering. Among the factors that were considered to decline mass participation in elections include inefficient security, violence, and unfulfilled electoral promises. This challenges the legitimacy of authority when the populace abruptly becomes apolitical. Currently, voter suppression serves as a mechanism for manipulating electoral outcomes by dissuading and obstructing individuals from casting their votes. Yiaga Africa stated that the 2019 gubernatorial elections did not occur in about 26% of polling units in Bayelsa. This action resulted in thousands of voters being unable to cast their ballots or make electoral choices—a well-calculated action that ultimately served the interests of a particular group or political party.

Moreover, the depiction of the ballot box as a “presiding priest at the festival of hoax” implies that the electoral process is often a mere facade or mere formalities, with results “preordained” by those in power. The poet alludes to the “chameleon” nature of the voting box, which “swiftly” changes “coats and color” and obstructs the genuine wishes of the electorate.

In “Pandemic,” Gbemisola Adeoti not only criticizes the government but also expresses his worries as a social scientist, recognizing that individuals are influenced by governmental policies, biases, as well as social and environmental factors. The COVID-19 pandemic and its global repercussions are indelible, as the poet asserts that the virus resulted from the global community’s inadequate response to previous pandemics, such as Ebola. The poem continues by examining the unequal effects on the most vulnerable societal members and, at the same time, asserting that the pandemic served as a great equalizer, revealing the frailty of even the most powerful and affluent individuals.

The poem also evokes a sense of responsibility that fosters unity among nations. During this period of devastation, a strong sense of global solidarity emerged. The lines in the poem serve as a poignant critique of the pandemic’s effects on the global economy and geography. The phrase “Many play the flies that follow the corpse to the coffin” implies that many Nigerians have been compelled to adapt to the new reality of the pandemic, while many others grapple to endure in an economy grossly affected by the virus. The line “dying other people’s death in homeland and exile” is a tribute to those who have been compelled to abandon their homes and communities in pursuit of safety, only to encounter the unprecedented challenges of surviving in an unfamiliar and hostile setting.

The poet responded to the Covid-19 pandemic and other evils that have afflicted humanity with his poem “The Next Evil.” “The Next Evil” is a poem that dwells on hope and resilience. The poem’s opening line is a rhetorical question that challenges the thought that hopelessness is the worst affliction we can endure as humans. The lines: “What is the next evil that can befall a man who wakes up from a sleepless night thinking he has lost all light to multiple layers of plight?” is an assertion that hope is the foundation of our beliefs and credence as humans, even in our most desolate moments. In a world that has experienced several physical wars, conflicts, pandemics, lockdowns, and violence, this is a reminder that optimism remains the sole remedy for an uncertain future.

I can’t think of a better way to end this review than by enclosing it with my own poem:

You are the one who speaks truth to power,

The one whose pen breathes for justice

In a land where truth is forbidden

You are the one who challenges the authority

Of the snakes who lure their people

into a den of torture

When the gates of fairness are locked

You command your pen to seek redress.

If not you, what then is the meaning of justice?

And when the voices of the oppressed are silenced,

you amplify their cries, a beacon in the night.

Your words are a ray of hope and a call to action to fight for what is right.

Arts & Culture

Ojude Oba Poised To Become A Global Event – Abiodun

Published

9 months ago

June 19, 2024

NewTimes

L-R: Former Governor of Ogun State, Aremo Olusegun Osoba; former Senator representing Ogun East, Senator Lekan Mustapha; Ogun State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun and the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona at the 2024 Ojude Oba festival held, at the Ojude Oba Pavilion, Ijebu-Ode on Tuesday.

Ogun State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, has said that his administration is poised at making the Ojude Oba festival a global event.

The governor who stated this on Tuesday at the 2024 Ojude Oba Festival held at the Ojude Oba Pavilion in Ijebu-Ode, said the annual event has grown from a mere gathering of Ijebu people to felicitate the Awujale to an event that attracts both national and global audience.

According to the governor, the festival, which has become a tourist attraction, symbolizes and reflects the collective unity of the people known for hard work, perseverance, and industry.

He said: “Ojude Oba festival is not only a cultural heritage for the indigenes of Ijebuland but has now become a significant event that attracts local and foreign tourists to Ogun State, showcasing our hospitality and enviable tradition of Ijebuland to the national and global audience.

“This festival serves as a symbol of our unity, tourism and a rallying point to all the Ijebu sons and daughters to celebrate the life and times of our tradition, culture, and revered monarch.

“It has become a catalyst for the development of Ijebuland, and this undoubtedly underscores the importance of preserving our traditions for future generations.

“By standing for unity and harmony, we elevate our community and set an example for others to follow. The essence of unity and harmony in Ijebuland can be seen willingly in cultural events like this festival.

“Our administration is deeply committed to supporting the initiative to make it a permanent event in the global tourism industry,” he said.

The event, Prince Abiodun observed, creates opportunities for an advancement which has brought about the socio-economic development not only to the axis but the state as a whole.

While thanking President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for showing interest in expanding the festival, especially with plans to include it in the UNESCO’s world cultural heritage, the governor said his administration was committed to providing the conducive environment for business to thrive.

He said the festival provides an opportunity for the Ijebu people to take stock and project the future. He called for unity and harmony from people across the state, adding that it was time to work together to build a virile state.

“The state government will continue to create a conducive atmosphere for community development across the state and I solicit the support of the people, especially all the sons and daughters towards the 20th National Sports Festival, Gateway Games, 2024, part of which will be hosted right here in Ijebu-Ode,” the governor concluded.

Minister of Arts, Culture and Creative Economy, Hon. Hannatu Musa-Musawa, who was represented by Rev. Ben Ugo, Director of Cultural Industry and Heritage, said her ministry was working towards promoting and preserving cultural heritage of President Tinubu’s administration with the creation of economic expansion to the tune of $100bn.

He acknowledged the cultural diversity of Nigerians, noting that the federal government is working towards making the country a cultural hub by the year 2030.

The Chairman of the 2024 Ojude Oba festival, Chief Olu Okuboyejo, appreciated the governor for his support for the festival and the people for turning up en masse to grace the occasion.

Arts & Culture

Meet Shaibu Husseini, The New Sheriff At NFVCB

Published

1 year ago

January 13, 2024

NewTimes

Dr Shaibu Husseini

By Esther Kainebi-Daniel

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Friday, January 12, approved the appointment of Dr. Shaibu Husseini as the new Director General of the National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB), succeeding Adedayo Thomas.

Dr Shaibu, is a celebrated journalist, performing artist, cultural administrator, public relations and media expert, and film curator. He is an alumnus of Lagos State University (LASU) where he studied Mass Communication at the institution’s School of Communication and earned a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc First Class) in Mass Communication, the University of Lagos (UNILAG), where he earned Master of Science (M.Sc) wiith Distinction, and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Mass Communication . His PhD was on film studies as his thesis examined the ‘Structure of Film Production Companies in Nollywood’.

A trained and seasoned theatre, film, broadcast, public relations and culture expert, he is reputed as one of the most consistent documentarists of Nigeria’s vibrant film and movie industry Nollywood and he is an astute commentator on arts, theatre and film development in Nigeria and the continent of Africa.

In 2014, he was honoured for his contributions to the development of Nigerian film industry by Nollywood Film Festival in Germany.

He has been the chairman of the College of Screeners and a member of Jury Board of Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) for many years.

An alumnus of the United States International Visitors Leadership Programme and the AIG-Public Leaders Programme of the Blavtanik School of Governance of the University of Oxford; Dr Shaibu was one time Secretary of the Governing Board of the National Theatre/National Troupe of Nigeria (from 2011 to 2015). He was appointed Director of Dance and Music and Head of the Strategic Communication Unit of the National Troupe of Nigeria.

Dr Shaibu has been the Chair, for 16 years running, of the Selection Committee of Africa’s premier film award – the Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) and a member of the prestigious AMAA jury.

He has attended several conferences, workshops and festivals and has sat and currently sits on a number of local and international Committees on film, theatre and allied matters including serving on the Board and on the jury of a number of Festivals, Awards and Committees including the Board of the Mainframe Film Institute run by the legendary Tunde Kelani, the board of In-short International Film Festival and on the Board of the Bank of Industry (BOI) Nollywood Fund.

Author of ‘Moviedom: The Nollywood Narratives’, Dr Shaibu is a Senior Teaching and Research Fellow at the Mass Communication Department of the University of Lagos and he was a former member of the Nigeria Official Selection Committee charged with the responsibility of deciding Nigeria’s entry for the Best International Film category of the Oscars.

He is currently a voting member of International Golden Globes Award and a consultant to the Berlin International Film Festival. He has served and still serves as a resource person, trainer in the field of theatre, culture and mass communication.

The new NFVCB DG was a pioneer artiste of the National Troupe of Nigeria; he has considerable theoretical, practical and field experience in the area of theatre, cultural administration as well as in public relations, advertising, journalism, broadcasting and film.

He considers himself an enthusiastic, dedicated, detailed and capable theory cum practically oriented professional who is able to improve the ability of an organisation to deliver outcomes that matter.