Opinion
Bureaucratic Reforms And Potential For Enhanced Investment Promotion In Ondo State
Published
1 year agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
Introduction: Asking the Right Questions
Let me start with an axiomatic fact that should serve as the fundamental basis for everything we will be discussing here today. The fact is that Ondo State is uncontroversially blessed in terms of human and mineral resources. And we do not need any comparison with other states in the Southwest to be able to accept that fact. And at the risk of preaching to the choir—of convincing you of what is already a fact which you all know—permit me a little outline.
Ondo state is situated at the juncture of three critical natural resources—agricultural produce, oil and natural gas, and solid mineral deposits, from gold and marble to granite and lignite. In crop production, Ondo is the number one producer of cocoa. And it is the fifth largest producer of crude oil. It possesses one of the largest deposits of natural gas all over the world, and the second largest bitumen deposits too. And overall, Ondo State has the sixth largest economy in Nigeria. These are all great and inspiring facts that undergird the possibilities that the promotion of investments in the state can unleash.
However, and as the organizers of this lecture must have realized, nothing good comes easy. And not least in Nigeria where the economic progress of any state is tied in with the sociopolitical and socioeconomic fortune of the Nigerian economic performance. And so, opening up the opportunities and finding the strategies that enhance and promote investments in Ondo State require not only that all minds but hands must be on deck. It also demands some tasking institutional and governance reforms that must backstop such promotion.
There are two correlated reasons for this. The first is that investments lie at the fundamental base as a key source of capital that all states need to finance their economic and productive activities, achieve technology transfer, enhance human resource capacities and other skills and competences development, and jumpstart internally generated revenue. All this, including the imperative of income poverty reduction, are all implicated in a state’s determination to achieve socioeconomic growth and development for her citizens. And the significance of drawing in capital investment that enables infrastructural development is what drives governors and presidents to put in strenuous efforts in wooing investors into the critical sectors of their economies. However, and this is the second reason for the need for urgent institutional and governance reforms, investors are too shrewd to be drawn in by mere political and economic rhetoric. As rational calculators, the demand of the rational choice theory implies that they must make the most calculated and self-interested decisions that will bring in the maximum benefits for them.
And this means that in investing their capital, they will critically investigate the political, social and economic environments of where they are prospecting, and this applies especially to a state’s business environment. We can say that investment does not come by patriotism. Rather, it comes through doing due diligence to ensure that my investment does not go down the drain due to a state’s unproductive business environment. In fact, it has been argued that such an assessment is done around four critical clusters:
- Security and law enforcement;
- Infrastructures and utilities like power, road and the public transportation networks, water and sanitation, and social welfare system;
- Business development supports from the availability of industrial parks and zones to access to finance, and entrepreneurial facilities;
- Optimal and functional regulatory services like property registration, tax administration, contract enforcement, the justice delivery system, and so on.
Thus, an unstable political clime or volatile security situation will drive off any willing investors. And no amount of wooing will succeed. Given these concerns, we therefore need to reassess how we need to proceed not only in the context of this lecture, but also on the larger matter of enhancing the environment for investment in Ondo State. This allows us to raise and foreground some crucial questions:
- In grounding the core of what is at issue here today, should we be concerned with “creating” a climate for investment or “promoting” the already existing climate of investment? Is there any need, given the timeline of this administration’s tenure, to reinvent the wheel?
- If it is better to talk about promoting an already existing climate of investment (rather than creating a new one), what are the perceived gaps and loopholes in this investment climate, especially based on the perception surveys of past investors, as well as a critical assessment of the business and investment realities on ground in Ondo State? For instance, to what extent can the investors already on ground be said to be satisfied with the business environment sufficiently for them to become the state’s brand promoters?
- Since most critical investors think largely in regional terms when it suits their calculations, to what extent can we say that Ondo State has harnessed her significant economies of scale vis-à-vis other states in the southwest?
- Is Ondo State involved in any existing or forthcoming collaborative economic and investment arrangements, especially with sister states in the southwest? Or do these states see themselves more as competitors rather than collaborators in opening up the southwest as a corridor of business opportunities whose cumulative benefits rebound to the advantage of all?
Beyond the ambit of this lecture, these are questions that I presume ought to be cogent within the governance efforts of the Ondo State government to make the state a haven for investors. In the rest of the lecture, I will (a) look critically at how the larger Nigeria’s governance context affects Ondo State’s business environment; (b) the critical role that an institutionally reformed and functional public bureaucracy, like the Ondo State Investment Promotion Agency (OSIPA), can play in facilitating the objective of the state government; and finally (c) engage with other critical reform issues that the Ondo State government needs to factor into its objective of reforming its bureaucracy for an effective promotion of investment drive in the state. 0
The Ease of Doing Business in Nigeria
Whatever we have to say about promoting investment in Ondo State cannot be divorced from the larger context of what the Nigerian business environment denotes. This is because within Nigeria’s federal arrangement, the federating states are equally drawn into federal framework that could either make or mar any individual investment efforts by the states. And all the states, for example, are drawn into Nigeria’s monocultural economy and its dependence on crude oil, with all the challenges that generate. Unfortunately, however, the demands for fossil fuel have drastically diminished all across the world and the dependence of other states on Nigeria’s crude oil has taken a serious dwindle in the world market. This immediately tells us that there is practically no future in carbon-based non-renewable energy as the mainstay for the national economy of any country with the ambition of amounting to being a significant player in the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions.
The consequences of Nigeria’s dependence on crude oil are many. The least of these consequences, as consecutive Nigerian governments have realized, is the constant adverse shocks that come from global price fluctuations in the oil market. The most worrisome of the consequences is the vulnerability of the Nigerian economy to global economic recession and the foreign exchange depletion, high inflation and the other critical macroeconomic challenges that Nigeria has had to keep contending with, and which have kept her comatose for sixty-three years. This is made more significant because of the lack of an optimal productive capacities in manufacturing and any substantive industrialization process. The PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) recently reported a downward trend in Nigeria’s foreign direct investment profile as well as inflows in her foreign portfolios. This speaks dismally to a growing vulnerability whose impact on the GDP cannot be underestimated.
And in response to this gloomy statistics, successive Nigerian governments have been responding as energetically as they can to the urgent challenge of diversifying the monocultural economic framework to meet the global turn away from fossil fuel. Both the federal and state governments are now actively reconstituting their institutional and economic dynamics in ways that are meant to deliver on creating favorable business environments that will induce ease of doing business in Nigeria. For example, the establishment of the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC) in 2016 came with the objective of removing “bureaucratic constraints to doing business in Nigeria, and make the country a progressively easier place to start and grow a business.” And as a consequence, Nigeria’s ranking in the Ease of Doing Business (EoDB) Index improved from 146 in 2018 to 131 in 2020. This improvement has been due to the concerted effort to reform the processes involved in the business environment, especially the automation of the company incorporation processes which now enables self-service, as well as the institutional collaboration between the FIRS and the CAC that ensures (i) the introduction of the automatic electronic stamping of incorporation documents and issuance of Tax Identification Number (TIN); (ii) the issuance of a single application form for incorporation; and (iii) the decentralisation of the CAC application completion process.
Despite the improvement that various administrations have achieved in reducing the challenges involved in attracting foreign investment into the Nigerian economy, the challenges and bottlenecks are still significant, especially when viewed across the states. These include the following:
- Lack of clarity on registration procedures for new businesses
- High cost of land acquisition and difficulty in obtaining land title
- Sanctity of agreements and enforceability of contracts
- Inadequacy of intra-state transport infrastructure (road and rail)
- Low level of automation of business processes within the civil service
- Lack of clarity of investment protection laws
- Raw materials shortages
- Weak public private partnership framework
In the PEBEC 2023 assessment of the ease of doing business in Nigeria, Gombe maintained her first position in 2021 (7.69) and 2023 (7.15). Ondo State was on the 8th position in 2021 (6.16) and a distant 19th position in 2023 (5.47). this downward trend is certainly enough reason for action for the state government.
Ondo Development and Investment Promotion Agency and the Challenge of Institutional Reform
No significant discernment is required to know that achieving an optimal business environment that attracts investment is in direct proportion to the existence of a reformed, effective and efficient public administration system, functional infrastructures and reliable regulatory services. An efficient public service therefore becomes a key and fundamental institutional factor in reinvigorating the Ondo State efforts to boost and promote her business environment. This is because, as is the case all over the world, the effectiveness of the government is assessed through its bureaucracy in terms of (a) the quality of bureaucratic efficiency, (b) quality of service delivery, and (c) the professionalism of the public servants and frontline managers.
The case can then be made for two related bureaucratic backends, involving MDAs, that service the efforts to sanitize, decentralize and make efficient the business environment. These are the direct and the indirect business environments. The indirect and larger environment involves the macroeconomic climate—industrial, security and infrastructural—which delivers policies that indirectly affect the investment environment. This policy environment concerns MDAs and their regulatory functions in terms of taxes, tariffs, licenses and permits, product standardization and quality assurance, customer satisfaction, environmental protection, financial services, etc. We must also not forget the critical issue of industrial relations and labour productivity that touch on recruitment, wage and incentives, labour-employer relations, etc.
In terms of the direct bureaucratic framework, no other institution in Ondo State represents the core of the structures that the government needs to force into the forefront of institutional reform than the Ondo Development and Investment Promotion Agency (ONDIPA) to correct whatever structural anomalies limits the capacity of Ondo State, with all her human and natural resources, to achieve the number one position in the ease of doing business in Nigeria. Established as the institutional arrowhead for the promotion of investment in the state as well as multilateral cooperation, ONDIPA was given the mission to “actively facilitate, promote, manage and support domestic investment, foreign direct investment, foreign portfolio investment and grant investments to help nurture new and foster existing industries for social and economic development of Ondo State.” And this is to be achieved in seven key areas: investor and sector targeting/marketing, policy formulation and advocacy, promotion of tourism, business facilitation, support and aftercare, partnerships and sectoral cooperation, multilateral and donor relations, and management of economic zones. In simple terms, ONDIPA is expected to simplify the administrative procedures involved in investment in the state, improve the regulatory transparency and channel private sector collaborations. However, given the dismal performance in the ease of doing business index, the general question to ask is, to what extent ONDIPA has fared in the achievement of its vision and mission? I will now proceed to break this general question into three clusters of interrogation that pose critical queries to the Ondo State government and ONDIPA.
The first set of queries goes to the Ondo State government. First, and given the urgency with which the government is pursuing its objective of promoting investment, the question to ask is: what is the level of budgetary funding that ONDIPA enjoys? It would seem logical that if the government wants to improve its investment profile, it would give priority attention to the agency in charge of making it happen. But, does it? In the 2023 sectoral budgetary allocation, ONDIPA receives approximately N1.1b., which is very low compared to allocations to other sectors. Second, we can ask about the scope and depth of the administrative and institutional reforms that the Ondo state government has put in place (in terms of the ease of doing business) and their impact on both the ONDIPA and other correlated MDAs. These reforms will be in terms of (a) streamlining administrative procedures; (b) reduction in the cost of establishing new investments; (c) seamless access to information and guidelines in establishing new businesses; (d) the enabling capacity of the legal and regulatory instruments, financing options, land access/grant of certificates of occupancy (C-of-O); (e) the competences of the personnel in charge of making the business environment friendly and efficient; (f) the availability of post-investment facilitation and advisory supports; and most fundamental (g) the involvement of ONDIPA and other related MDAs in policy conversations, especially at strategic and tactical levels of decision-making on investment possibilities.
The second clusters of interrogation targets ONDIPA itself and its institutional strategies and operational tactics.
- What is ONDIPA’s professionalism quotient in terms of its competences, result-oriented and innovative capacities to attract investment? For instance, if benchmarked against other high-performing investment promotion agencies across Nigeria and beyond, how innovative would it be in terms of (i) the information facilitation, brand advocacy and projection of Ondo State as the state of choice in investment, and (ii) concrete investment generation? Ondo State’s position in the 2023 PEBEC index is an indication of an answer to this question.
- What corporate strategy undergirds its investment mission statement and marketing programs?
The last set of question is direct. One: what institutional linkages and leveraging has ONDIPA achieved in terms of attracting, expanding and connecting shareholders, especially the private sector, foreign investors and local players in the investment space in Ondo State through profiling and projecting Ondo’s comparative advantages and the government policy successes and breakthroughs? Two: does the private sector possess a visible representation in ONDIPA’s operation?
Conclusion: Strengthening Ondo State Public Service Performance
In concluding this lecture, I will briefly outline ten core reform areas that will assist the government in its search for an optimal and functional public service that will backstop the investment drive in the state.
As I see it, the first order of reform business for the Ondo State government is the urgency of a system-wide capacity building and performance-enhancing re-professionalization and improvement of workplace ethic for all public managers. This will involve productivity audits that eliminate internal processes that hinder efficiency, as well as series of trainings and capacity development programmes which will include financial and economic analysis of investment scenarios; methodologies and tools for project formulation appraisals; analysis of investment environment; analytical tools on investment options e.g. joint venture, rehabilitation projects, cost centres, project finance, financial modelling and evaluation, risk management and risk sharing, and so on.
As a second order of business, government needs to focus on enhancing the public service’s capacity for policy intelligence on investment as well as stakeholders’ engagement skills. This will enable government officials to deploy multiple perspectives into their investment policy analyses through different techniques and procedures that test different investment scenarios. These officials and public managers will also be able to adopt creative and strategic communication skills in building a friendly business environment for stakeholders, while also designing and adjusting contracts and investment agreements as the environmental indicators will demand.
The next set of reform activities are specifically targeted at the transformation of the general business environment and specifically the ease of doing business dynamics. First, government reforms whose objective will be to reengineer the business and investment environment processes, especially through the review and reform of the standard operating procedures and guidelines is imperative. This will not only achieve the objective of dispensing with non-value-adding licencing regulations in order to speed up the cycle time in investment licencing. It will also eliminate hindrances involved in the bureaucratic and legal processes for granting land permits for investment purposes.
Finally, the Ondo State government must necessarily review the baseline frameworks and modalities regarding her ease of doing business. First, it is imperative to strengthen statistics involving investment and other related matters. This will involve putting in place more systematic and evidence-based models and machinery for collecting data, establishing databases and information systems that enhance better decisions with regard to investments. This automatically places information and statistics at the core of the EoDB reform.
Second, it is crucial to conduct regular sector analyses that will automatically benefit from the improved data collection and statistical frameworks. This will enable the Ministry for Economic Planning and Budget, as well as ONDIPA, to conduct periodic sector analyses, through a reprofiled monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system, to generate helpful information required by investors, targeted business communities, development partners, research institutions, and the general public. For example, the government can facilitate an EoDB portal, upgraded into a public-private web platform that
- collates information real-time on starting or operating a business in the state,
- provides information on business registration process and fees, the process to renew a business permit, tax exemption, and other tax-related information, and
- provide downloadable form for citizens to submit questions, complaints, and feedback regarding business processes.
And then, there is the need to review cost centres to significantly reduce investors’ transaction costs. This review will focus on issues such as the cost of registration and other administrative bottlenecks involved in registering businesses, the rationalization of multiple and constraining tax regimes, and the elimination of all forms of illegal payment schedules. The last leg of the reform is concerned with strengthening the government’s post-investment support systems through the provision of technical supports and advisory services that will be periodically reviewed in ways that ensure that existing investors are not only duly satisfied and their re-investment and project expansion assured, they eventually become the state’s brand ambassadors to other potential investors.
. Being Lecture Delivered by Prof. Tunji Olaopa, retired Federal Permanent Secretary, professor of public administration and Executive Vice-Chairman, Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy – ISGPP – as Guest Speaker at the 2023 Ondo State Public Service Week on the Theme “Bureaucratic Impact on Investment Promotion in Ondo State” held on Thursday, 19th October, 2023 at the International Culture and Event Centre (The DOME), Akure).
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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