Opinion
Decolonizing African Studies
Published
3 years agoon
By
Toyin Falola
Knowledge operates in economic and political contexts. The colonization of Africa extended beyond the mere physical occupation of its territories. It was a comprehensive project of domination that seeped through the African continent’s character, beliefs, and structure. For the colonialists to succeed, they upturned models that required Africans to join the labor machine. These included prior means of employment in sectors that did not benefit them. The education system prevented school leavers from venturing into more technical industries. As long as Africans worked as labourers on colonial plantations or kept records for the white man in clerical offices, it did not matter whether they acquired knowledge that could help their country develop.
Beyond this, the colonial masters ensured that Africans discarded many of their ways through different social creations. The French, in particular, tried to encourage assimilation into French culture. They designed native societies such that Africans believed that imitating the white man was the path to economic and social prosperity. In education, studies were centered on the philosophy and literature of the white man, as still exist in some places till today. Language-wise, foreign tongues gradually displaced local ones in many circles, entrenching themselves as superior.
While research has highlighted a broad range of indignities visited on Africa by white men, the colonial era is well and truly behind us. What exists are its imprints that dominate our societies today. Years after, African education has continued to develop in the model set by Europeans. Knowledge production follows curricula that snub the African context but fatten students on ideals far beyond their shores. Therefore, we hope to look at decolonization and the winded process of achieving it.
Decolonization may be viewed as a reversal of colonial legacies, restoring values to territories once administered by alien overlords. The process of decolonization is necessary because foreign ideals have greatly distorted African society. Across the continent, structures created for colonial administrative and economic purposes impact stability. Nigeria and South Africa are prime examples, given that the former is still nursing wounds from apartheid while the latter is struggling to maintain its national fabric. In both situations, cultural identity determines opportunities available to different people, but what appalls deeply is how Africans peddle western ideologies as the gold standard. Any deviation from that thought pattern and the individual is regarded as backward or unnecessarily contrarian. Put differently, Africans, by their intention, consider colonial perspectives as superior to anything they can develop.
As a result, it has been argued that the first step towards replacing thoughts that better apply to Africa is a refurbishment of its intellectual space. This is especially true of its schools. The African education sector is a primary center of socialization, and it is only best that the problem is addressed there. Since we cannot dismiss the impacts that learning during formative years can have on the worldview of young Africans, the exact substance of that education must be examined. Are Africans imbibing values that truly belong to them? Do they understand their history and traditions? How grounded were they in the demeanor of Africa before colonialism? The answers to these questions will determine the approach to correcting our intellectual trajectory. The need for this stems from the fact that knowledge transfer in schools was designed on a purely Eurocentric basis. To superimpose their culture on Africans, the fabricators painted the continent as backward and in need of a facelift. Even so-called European experts on African studies excluded news of Africa’s achievements in technological advancement. With these undercurrents, Africans learned about foreign leaders and intellectuals, a trend that remains unchanged.
However, reforming its intellectual space means challenging principles that have been normalized. An implication of Eurocentric knowledge transfer is that Africans see themselves as inherently inferior. Here, it is not an active exhibition of racism by foreigners; rather, Africans see themselves as subordinate to the white man. This is the material they have been introduced to in schools, which propagated European wonders and the whites’ campaign of global civilization. During this process, they barely acknowledge the existence of their cultural backgrounds. This makes it such that external narratives are all they can access. It becomes difficult to be intellectually flexible or even accept an African definition of sophistication.
BOOK: Toyin Falola’s Decolonizing African Studies: Knowledge Production, Agency, And Voice
Worse still, because colonial teaching models have spoon-fed their minds, their research inclinations automatically lean in that direction. In effect, they assist the West in learning more about itself. Few people who research keenly on African subjects receive little support and encounter difficulties. Also, there are occasions where the political class has meddled in academia for selfish reasons. They make it such that the intellectual flow is centered only on what their foreign partners consider acceptable. Thus, where the social and academic landscape primarily favours western narratives and politics prevent any meaningful growth in indigenous studies, the task of reformation may well be an uphill one.
Furthermore, decolonization must engage the relevance of indigenous knowledge. While there is a genuine desire to re-establish African thoughts, attention must be paid to the dynamics it will blend into. The colonial project halted the development of African cultural perspectives and elbowed them in favour of foreign ones. An attempt at infusing these ways must consider the practices of the modern world and the thoughts that dominate it. It must acknowledge that Africa in the pre-colonial era is different from the present and, by way of this, adapt to what exists. Not all traditions can now be accepted. All must be reviewed to find a balance between both worlds.
Moreover, decolonization must also recognize the diversity of African cultures. There are multiple models of cultural expressions on the continent, and re-examination has to consider this. Rather than aim to morph learning into a one-size-fits-all dimension, the continent can embrace its diversities and design a structure that reflects them. Analysts have proposed that Africa finds unifying elements in its belief systems and apply them to establishing something different but African. The denial of many indigenous cultures in academic curricula negatively reflects those cultures. If the individuals who are meant to shoulder its values cannot do so because they are barred from representing it at schools and trained to believe it is inferior, that culture will steadily descend into oblivion. Similarly, many insights on Africa will be relegated to the background. Incorporating cultural elements in the schools’ curricula is not an excursion to gain bare political weight but rather a historical preservation imperative.
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Following the preceding, it is important that decolonization efforts are not isolated. They must be done in synergy with the political class, creating a marriage of governance and intellect. The potential outputs of decolonization cannot be overemphasized. The idea proposes a comprehensive shake-up of the system we have naturalized into. It suggests that we do an about-face towards practices still unfamiliar to us, despite being ours by implication of ancestry. This effort is best made in alignment with political objectives such that intellectuals are not riding solo. We must reform African studies to create potential to fix the shabby outcomes of colonial nation-building. Ethnic groups will obtain a more relevant position, and inherent in this are developments that intellectualism must lean on politics to consider.
The concept of decolonization transcends playful fancy. Implementing it requires research across multiple disciplines and into different cultures. This is required to avoid failures in the system as time passes. As stated earlier, colonial influence on education has effectively limited academic interest in African culture, resulting in the availability of few researchers to undertake the thoroughness that the decolonization process demands. In addition, mention must be made of the funding sources for African institutions. Many of these places receive donations from Western organizations, compromising their abilities to make deviant choices; therefore, funding must occupy a premier position in any endeavour to redefine the education sector. If Africa’s knowledge production centers remain tied to foreign purse strings, it can be assumed that the decolonization project is dead on arrival. We should create autonomies, not be dependent on others for our crucial needs. We should not be exporters of raw materials and importers of finished products. We should not use all foreign academies to sponsor our key needs, including giving us money to buy recharge cards to speak to one another—as demeaning as offering ice creams to dogs. Such degrading dependency is nothing but a continuation of imperialist projects that should compel us to turn our legs into those of horses and flee fast enough, so the maxim guns do not kill any of us.
Prof. Falola made these opening remarks at the Lecture on Decolonization at Kenyatta University on March 17, 2022.
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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