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Four Kings And Three Nations In One Kingdom? Warri City And The Wado-City Template For Equity, Justice And Fairness

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Four Kings And Three Nations In One Kingdom?: Warri City And The Wado-City Template For Equity, Justice And Fairness

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 John Uwa

 When the muse to write this essay came visiting, the plan was just to point to the counterproductivity of the presence of four kings in Warri without alluding to Chinua Achebe’s metaphor as I did in an earlier essay on the same subject. But how can one ignore the fictional metaphors of a man whose work provides an illuminating spectacle that alludes to territorial disquiet in Warri, and at the same, embodies a template for conflict resolution? In his communal novel, Arrow of God, Chinua Achebe mirrors the land dispute between two neighbouring communities—Umuaro and Okperi that claimed precious lives, the colonial politics of conflict resolution, divide-and-rule principle and indirect rule. Even more intriguing is the testimony of the Chief Priest of Ulu, named Ezeulu, who had to testify against his people before the colonial court hearing the case of the disputed land.

Situating the scenario of Achebe’s novel within the context of the colonial province of Warri, and the land disputes between the Urhobo of Okere, Agbassa and the Itsekiri, a certain controversial Chief, Dore Numa, comes to mind. Dore Numa was a British Warrant Chief from Benin River appointed as the Paramount Chief of Warri Province; like Ezeulu he became like a demigod who wields enormous power over the people of the colonial conurbation called Warri. The enormity of his power manifests in his leasing of such lands like Agbassa, Ogbe-Ijho, Ogidigben, Sapele, Oghara; not as an Itsekiri man or representative of the Olu of Itsekiri, since there was no king at the time in Itsekiri land, but as a warrant chief. This leasing would be the basis for the overlordship claims of the Itsekiri kingdom over Warri Province—a province so named by the colonial master, which extended to Ukwani land at the time. This arbitrary leasing of ancestral land would result in litigations in court where Dore Numa himself was Chief Judge. While Dore Numa was notorious for edging out the Urhobo on the ground of legal technicalities in the land cases he sat upon, he gave an amazing judgement that would alter the course of the history of the overlordship of Warri.

READ ALSO: Wado City, Warri City, And The Abatian Proxies

In his submission on the disputed Okere Urhobo land in 1927 Dore Numa, aggrieved by the ingratitude of his kinsmen for cases he fraudulently decided in their favour, held that “the Urhobos and Jikiris have been living together for centuries, without one paying rent to the other… and I cannot hold so now…” (Nikoro vs Okumagbe: 1927). The judgement implies that, whatever leases he made as Warrant Chief on behalf of the colonial masters, in the Urhobo enclave of Warri Province falls short of equity, justice and fairness; because such leases, as Warrant Chief, translate to robbing Peter to pay Paul.  And with just a little strategic thinking, even a man of average intellect could see that Dore Numa’s judgement, knowingly or unknowingly, sets a template for conflict resolution in Warri, and nullifies the whole idea of the overlordship of Warri by one ethnic group over the other. Time will fail me to dwell on the colonial history of the name ‘Warri’, how Warri Province changed to Delta Province, and how predatory names and titles emerged through some obnoxious political manoeuvrings to give the Itsekiri advantage over the Ijaw and Urhobo ethnicities in Warri; a tragic political move that has since triggered the ethnic disquiet in Warri till date.

The verifiable historical facts highlighted above are not intended to stir up the hornet’s nest, but to have a clear sense of history in the advocacy for peaceful coexistence between the ethnic nationalities occupying the ‘Warri space’. More so, when an idol, becomes too powerful and arrogant, we often remind him of the wood whence it was carved. Fortunately, the colonial era of overlordship has since been rendered redundant and repugnant by the 1979 constitution and Bendel State (now Edo and Delta State) Land Use Act which lodges the power to own all lands in a state in the hands of the governor. And with this residual power, the state government has had to set up different panels, commissions and bodies to proffer lasting solutions to the Warri crisis. The most progressive step made so far is the institutionalisation of four kings of equal status—the Orosuen Okere Urhobo, the Ovie of Agbassa, the Pere of Ogbi-Ijoh and the Olu of Warri (originally Olu of Itsekiri). The move appears to release some light and freshness into the hanging cloud of darkness that was enveloping the Warri city at the time. However, with the constant claim of ownership over Warri by the Itsekiri and the refusal of the other ethnicities to accept such an ambitious claim, this palliative move by the government would before long be interpreted as treating the symptoms rather than the disease. I say this because the move raises a fundamental question vital to the resolution of the Warri conflict; so, considering that there are four kings in Warri, can there be such a thing as ‘Warri kingdom”?

READ ALSO: Reflections On 61 Years Of U.S.-Nigerian Engagement

When I first asked the above question on my Facebook page sometime in April, even before seeing Wado City ‘fever’, I received all kinds of batching from my Itsekiri friends and apologists for asking such a question. While I understood their sentiments, I also knew that it is a question that appeals to the collective conception of peace in Warri. Even our children will ask “why are there four kings in a space where one ethnic group is claiming overlordship, and others are identifying their primordial boundaries and occupation?” if we truly want to prevent further disquiet and future crisis, then we must answer this fundamental question. The government must provide the political will to show the world that it is not applying the doctrine of divide and rule in the oil-rich city of Warri. Fortunately, Wado City provides the template for lasting peace by advocating for the naming of Urhobo enclave, no more no less, of Warri as Wado City. This would mean that the Itsekiri can keep the name Warri, even if it is a colonial coinage; the Ijaw can have their Ogbi-Ijoh, and the Urhobo can have their Wado City. And this is where Dr Ejiro Umuero, the mastermind behind the Wado City initiative should be celebrated for providing light even in thick darkness. Alternatively, the government can establish three Local Government Councils for each of the ethnic nationalities in Warri. And unless we are set out to promote the primitive narrative of the feudal system in Warri, the Wado City template provides a perfect solution to the present and future unity of the ancestral ethnicities in Warri City.

Finally, we often talk about pace in Warri, but we fail to understand that peace is an end in itself and not a means. If we continue to seek peace as an end, and not through the means, then we can only guarantee peace in the short run; and before long, we will be faced with begging questions from a new generation that can only relate with peace from the purview of equity, justice and fairness. Therefore, if we want lasting peace, then we must build it on a tripartite stand of justice, equity and fairness; once we can establish this tripartite stand, then peace will settle in very naturally. To that extent, if the Wado City proposal, which is basically about naming the Urhobo enclave of Warri as Wado City, falls within the ambit of equity, justice and fairness, as I would think it is, then the Delta State government should take one final step in the conflict resolution by adopting the Wado City template and simply gazetting the Urhobo space in Warri as Wado City.

John Uwa (uwa.jmo@gmail.com 08038815379)

Writes from the University of Lagos                             

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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