Opinion
From Nigerian Politics To Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu And Beyond
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
It’s been long after 1979 that Nigerian politics has excited me enough for me to encourage myself after APC presidential primary in Abuja with Lionel Richie oldie: ‘Let the music play on; everybody sing, everybody dance; lose yourself in wild romance … All night long … on and on’. Indeed, I have remained an ardent student of Nigerian politics for as long as I can remember. And it could not have been otherwise. Nigeria, and her politics, has made a student of almost every Nigerian. Since I found myself enrolled at the department of political science, University of Ibadan, in the eighties, the theoretical analysis of politics in Nigeria has been broadened by the practical immersion in its practical dimensions. And my sense of Nigeria’s predicament and possibilities has been deepened also by my luck in more than casual meeting with the political gladiators, from Chief Awolowo through General Obasanjo to Asiwaju Tinubu, and getting a sense of the direction Nigeria is headed. The aggregation of the vast opportunities I have been given to learn, from all the great books I have encountered—a la Plato’s Republic—to the university experience of activism, not only sharpened my understanding of politics as praxis. It also focused my attention on the critical role of political leadership in the attainment of good governance, modulated by infrastructural development for the citizenry.
Nigeria needs to be taken seriously. And one does not need to read Odia Ofeimun’s book, Taking Nigeria Seriously, to deeply appreciate this (even though that book provides some unique and well-articulated groundings for those who would appreciate them). The mention of Ofeimun leads me to my encounter with Chief Obafemi Awolowo as a research assistant. That, out of all my experiences (though short-lived), was a great tutelage in political craftmanship. With the Sage of Ikenne, I had a deepening of my theoretical understanding of the relationship between good politics, good governance and ideological leadership. The closeness that the appointment afforded me was a critical learning curve that further fueled my yearning, as young as I was then, to continue in my fervent desire to generate a governance and reform model that not only carries the weight of the fundamental readings I have encountered—from Plato’s Republic to Thomas More’s Utopia—but also the peculiarity of my postcolonial context in Nigeria. Chief Awolowo was deeply passionate about Nigeria. Saying Nigeria was ‘a mere geographical expression’ was, for him, the first crucial premise in dealing with the rampaging ethnicities that needed to be welded into a harmonious plurality that defines national integration.
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When I met Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, by another providential opportunity, I saw the passion about Nigeria in another dimension. The political assessment of Awolowo has always been crippled by the critique of his being too ingrained into the Yoruba ethnic politics in ways that hurt his national leadership ambition. With Obasanjo, there is a near-consensus about his nationalist credential. If anyone doubts that Obasanjo loves Nigeria, then the person does not really know him, and has not studied the trajectory of Nigerian history and its political dynamics well. Chief Obasanjo was confronted with the same challenges of nation-building that Awolowo was confronted with, especially with the Yoruba factor as a major issue in achieving integration. And Obasanjo stepped up to the challenge. Nigeria might not be better after his presidency, but we have a sense of how nation-building could be fast tracked.
It is this Yoruba factor in Nigerian politics, and the paradox that it generates in building Nigeria, that led to my encounters and, eventually, to reflections on Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. I have written two op-ed pieces about Tinubu. And this was not an easy thing to do. He is certainly a man surrounded by many discourses and crises. As 2023 approaches, and with the recent political back-and-forth in the APC primaries, the Tinubu-bashing has gone up several octaves. This is further fueled by the “Emi Lokan” sing-song that Asiwaju just waxed. Much has been made of the “Emi Lokan” song, which many wished were the author’s verbal self-annihilation. It will however turn out to have become a divinely enabled “Yes, I can” audacity. And at that, in the mold of the power in the word which provoked the ultimate breakthrough in the spiritual: “Lift up your heads, O ye gates; and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors; and the King of glory shall come in”. And since the words came forth in Abeokuta, none of the political variables in contention have remained the same again. Is it any wonder therefore that those pronouncements, in mystery, have become a pattern of invocation for prayer warriors and as overlay for Ese Ifa incantation, in a sense, an affirmation of the canon in Romans 8:28: “All things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to his purpose”?
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Having said that, democratic imperative also dictates that sentiments—ethnic, religious, regional—should not have a place in the determination of the credentials of a possible and potential leader. The most fundamental axiom of democratic participation is that every human has the right to vote and be voted for, even the meanest and the most vilified. Indeed, Jane Addams, American activist and reformer, noted that “If the meanest man in the republic is deprived of his rights then every man in the republic is deprived of his rights.” I once wrote that Asiwaju is not a hero or a saint. Like most Nigerian politicians, he is caught up in the politics of power play that defines party politics in Nigeria. He is also caught up within the rubric of political corruption that encloses almost everyone of the political class. Must we then import new set of politicians from Mars? Or must we begin a process of reclamation, as I have argued before, in ways that allow the citizenry to delimit a sphere of progressive politics around which it can take the politicians to task around what constitutes good governance?
Unlike all others, Tinubu possesses qualities, if we can go from seeing the trees for the forest, which could be analyzed for the possibility of recuperating a leader who can achieve. Unlike all others, he is too significant to be a tool in the political calculations of others. He is not only his own person; he is equally the avatar that others look up to. This is one of the subtexts that was demonstrated at the just-concluded APC primary. His unique sense of political realism is heightened by his positioning within the Yoruba political space—from Lagos State to the entire Southwest, and fundamentally the Nigerian political universe. Since the critical agitations that resulted in the jumpstarting of the democratic experiment in Nigeria, Tinubu has kept his solid presence in almost all significant political events and incidences.
This brings me to another point. By being this prominent in Nigeria’s political affairs, Tinubu has situated himself aptly in the line of the Yoruba-Nigerian political gladiators that the whole of Nigeria took notice of—Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Chief MKO Abiola. And he is not just a figure that completes the lineup. Asiwaju, and true to that cultural title, is a true scion of deep Yoruba sociopolitical dynamics that at least Awolowo and Obasanjo utilized. First, Asiwaju, like Awolowo made the Southwest his governance and political base of excellence. And we just need to look at Lagos State to agree. Second, there is that fundamental commitment to intellectual capital and knowledge management model as the basis for affirming the place of meritocracy in governance. Awolowo, Obasanjo and Asiwaju are unrivalled in this. And lastly, there is an unequivocal commitment to Nigeria and her development, and of course through the understanding of a coherent federal dynamics that allows every constituent to come to the federal table from her position of strength.
As 2023 approaches, and the entire gamut of politicking attending it, I cannot but bring myself to remembrance about my abiding fascination with Tinubu talent management system, his genius in leaning on high-end expertise and skills, as well as his critical knowledge management model to build legacies exemplified in the Lagos governance narrative, from Fashola to Ambode to Sanwo-Olu. I once had a discussion with Asiwaju about this capacity to empower technocrats for the governance task, people who, being politically naïve, would later return with a sense of over-bloated self-worth. His response was valuable: “Tunji, my training is to be proven as a professional first, before I dared launching into political adventurism. I think we just must use our very best people if Nigeria’s complex issues would ever be resolved.” It is this sense of what Nigeria needs—this technical and ideological understanding of how to go about resolving Nigeria’s predicament—that makes me incurably fascinated with Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And I have not only the trajectory of those who came before him to attest to him as evidence, but also the significance of this as a reform element that is irreducible.
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I come to Asiwaju Tinubu’s possible presidential worth from the perspective of his Yoruba sociocultural background as well as his possible reform capability. Put side by side with Alhaji Abubakar Atiku (who, by the way, I worked with very closely and whose cosmopolitanism and national outlook I can boldly attest to), we have two powerful political juggernauts who both, not only have political potential and limitations, but also are the best of friends. Of course, this combination makes the electoral task ahead all the more interesting. But the interest for me lies elsewhere—in the development possibility inherent in reforming and transforming the governance model of the Nigerian state and getting things done, vide unblocking implementation landmines and execution traps that historically hindered strategic moves, in the past, from vision to strategy and to performance. Just in the service of these admirable emerging political leaders, I have already started ransacking my library to highlight all possible reform blueprints—from leadership change model to scenario planning and the framework for a new national productivity paradigm; to the governance and public service reengineering dynamics; and from the need for a cultural adjustment programme to change the mind of the nation through values reorientation to unlocking the great democratic and development potential of grassroots politics.
. Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and
Professor, National Institute
For Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS), Kuru, Jos.
tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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