Opinion
Galamsey Versus Ghana
Published
3 months agoon
By Toyin Falola
You cannot be in Ghana and not talk about “Galamsey,” pushing aside the popularity of such names as Nana, Kofi, and Kwame. When I told participants at the annual literary festival that I would write about it, I received a loud ovation. It is part of the conversation on the forthcoming presidential elections. University teachers are on strike to pressure the government to stop it. Be afraid of drinking mercury in water and eating fish. The water bodies are damaged. Galamsey is the new Ebola, as dangerous as COVID-19 before the vaccination. Galamsey is the vampire that sucks blood.
The term “galamsey” elicits in the mind implications of democratic access to Ghana’s troves of gold. Meaning “gather them and sell,” galamsey digging has been an essential part of conversations in the mining ecosystem of this West African nation. The informal mining sector, alternatively known as Artisanal Small-scale Mining (ASM), has operated for decades, providing livelihoods for thousands of people.
However, its unregulated and chaotic nature has often led to severe environmental, health, and social consequences. The importance of addressing galamsey mining cannot be overstated, as its impact on Ghana’s environment, human health, and economy creates existential urgency, particularly for the ordinary Ghanaians who are the most affected.
To fully grasp the impact of this industry, it is essential first to understand how it operates. Galamsey mining refers to the artisanal small-scale mining of minerals, primarily gold, using rudimentary methods. These miners, often unauthorized and unlicensed, operate in remote areas, extracting minerals from shallow deposits. Over the years, this informal sector has grown significantly, with estimates suggesting that over one million artisanal small-scale miners operate in Ghana. Mining in the country dates back to the 19th century, with gold being the primary mineral extracted. The sector has experienced tremendous growth, positioning Ghana as Africa’s largest gold producer and the sixth-largest globally.
However, the artisanal small-scale mining sector, particularly galamsey, operates outside Ghana’s regulatory framework. This lack of regulation has led to severe environmental degradation, health hazards, and economic instability. The sector’s contribution to Ghana’s gold production is substantial, accounting for approximately 30% of the country’s gold output; however, the benefits of galamsey mining are heavily outweighed by its devastating consequences.
One of the most pressing concerns surrounding galamsey mining is its environmental impact. Mercury and other toxic chemicals in mining have led to widespread water pollution, deforestation, and soil contamination. This destruction of natural habitats and biodiversity severely impacts Ghana’s ecosystem. For instance, water pollution affects the miners and surrounding communities, posing a significant risk to human health. Also, destroying fertile land and forests has long-term consequences for Ghana’s agricultural sector and food security. In some cases, illegal miners have been reported to have forcefully taken over cocoa farmlands, contributing significantly to the Ghanaian economy, accounting for 10% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and employing up to one million farmers.
In addition to environmental concerns, galamsey mining poses serious health risks to miners and surrounding communities. The use of mercury and other toxic chemicals has led to increased cases of mercury poisoning, respiratory diseases, and other health issues. These risks are further exacerbated by the lack of proper safety equipment and training, resulting in frequent accidents and fatalities. Living conditions for miners are often deplorable, with inadequate access to healthcare, sanitation, and clean water. The methods used by these miners also leave large expanses of water coated in mud, making them unsuitable for consumption. Even more disturbing is the warning by some Ghanaian sources that the country may have to resort to water importation by 2030 if these harmful practices are not halted.
Mercury and other toxic chemicals in galamsey mining have contaminated Ghana’s water sources, including rivers, streams, and groundwater. Mercury, a potent neurotoxin, is linked to neurological disorders, congenital disabilities, and respiratory problems. Mercury exposure can portend significant implications for the kidneys, brain, lungs, skin, and gastrointestinal tract. Pollution from galamsey has affected several major rivers, including the Pra, Birim, and Ankobra. These rivers are vital sources of drinking water, irrigation, and domestic use for millions of Ghanaians, and their contamination poses a significant threat to the well-being of the people, particularly those in rural communities. For example, a study found that people living in communities near galamsey mining sites had higher levels of mercury in their blood and urine.
Galamsey mining has also led to widespread deforestation, with forests cleared to make way for mining activities. This destruction of natural habitats severely affects Ghana’s biodiversity, leading to the loss of endangered species and ecosystems. The removal of vegetation also increases soil erosion, landslides, and flooding. The country’s forest cover has declined significantly due to galamsey mining, with the forest reserve dropping from 8.2 million hectares in 1900 to approximately 1.6 million hectares today. This significant loss of forest cover undermines Ghana’s efforts to combat climate change. Similarly, deforestation affects local communities that rely on forests for their livelihoods, such as farming, hunting, and gathering. The destruction of forests disrupts traditional practices and cultural heritage, further intensifying social conflicts.
The harmful effects of chemical additives and heavy metals used in galamsey mining extend to the soil, which becomes contaminated. Invariably, long-term risks to agricultural productivity and food security are instituted. Soil pollution also affects human health, as toxic chemicals can be absorbed through skin contact or ingestion. Even worse is the likelihood that the pollution will last for decades, which paints a bleak picture for the agricultural sector and the food security it provides.
Compounding these issues is the air pollution caused by diesel generators and heavy machinery during mining operations. Releasing particulate matter, sulfur dioxide, and other pollutants contributes to respiratory problems and other health issues. Neither miners nor host communities are excluded from the respiratory risk associated with the excavation process. For miners, in particular, the occupational health hazards are severe, as they often lack proper safety equipment, training, and medical care, which increases the risks of accidents and injuries from machinery and explosives. Hearing loss and vibration syndrome, heat stress, dehydration, and others are frequently documented among the galamsey labor force.
The social implications of galamsey mining have equally proven to be alarming. The sector’s informal nature has led to the exploitation of vulnerable groups, including children and women. Child labor is prevalent in galamsey mining, with children as young as ten years old working in hazardous conditions that expose them to toxic chemicals. This contradicts the country’s minimum age requirement of 18 for licensed access to mining sites, as outlined in the Children’s Act. These children are denied access to education, which perpetuates the cycle of poverty. Relatedly, galamsey mining has led to the exploitation of vulnerable groups, particularly children and women. Women are disproportionately affected, often bearing the brunt of environmental degradation due to their primary responsibilities for household chores and childcare. The destruction of natural resources and the pollution of water sources increase their workload and expose them to significant health risks.
Additionally, the influx of miners into remote areas has led to social conflicts between residents and intruding miners. It continues to disrupt social structures and community dynamics in affected areas, leading to increased population density, strained local infrastructure, and resource shortages. The government and communities face immense economic losses, with approximately 85% of mining activities being unlicensed and unregulated. Galamsey mining operations often evade taxes and royalties, depriving the state of much-needed revenue while causing substantial harm.
Furthermore, the environmental degradation caused by galamsey mining has profound economic implications. The destruction of natural resources, pollution of water sources, and loss of biodiversity undermine Ghana’s economic development. Critical to Ghana’s economy, the tourism and agriculture sectors are particularly vulnerable to such environmental degradation.
However, galamsey mining did not spring out of the shadows as it has a long history in Ghana, dating back to the pre-colonial era. The practice was initially tolerated by colonial authorities, who saw it as supplementing the country’s gold production. But with the passage of the Minerals Ordinance, galamsey mining became illegal. Despite this, the sector continued to thrive, driven by the demand for gold and the lack of economic opportunities in rural areas.
Post-independence, the Ghanaian government attempted to formalize the small-scale mining sector by establishing the Small-Scale Mining Project (SSMP) in 1989. However, the project’s failure to provide adequate support and resources led to the proliferation of informal mining activities. The sector’s growth was further fueled by the surge in global gold prices in the 2000s, attracting thousands of artisanal miners to Ghana. Notably, many of these miners were Chinese, with around 50,000 nationals from China flocking to Ghana between 2008 and 2013.
Unfortunately, the lack of effective regulation and enforcement has significantly contributed to the galamsey mining menace. Corruption, inadequate resources, and poor coordination among government agencies have hindered efforts to crack down on illegal mining activities.
Also, the complexity of Ghana’s mining laws and regulations has created confusion among miners, leading many to operate outside the formal sector. The role of Chinese investors in Ghana’s galamsey mining sector has also been contentious. While the influx of Chinese miners, equipment, and expertise has increased the sector’s capacity and efficiency, allegations of environmental degradation, exploitation of local miners, and corruption have sparked tensions between Ghanaian authorities and the Chinese.
Critics argue that before the influx of foreign miners, galamsey was primarily a crude venture that relied on essential equipment and only achieved shallow excavation depths. However, the supply of heavier industrial earth-movers and organized commercial entities has taken it far beyond these levels. A symbolic pushback against the impacts of expatriate involvement in the sector is the trial and sentencing of En “Aisha” Huang, a Chinese national known as the “Galamsey Queen.” Huang had previously evaded serving a sentence when she was deported in 2017 after an arrest. Upon her return in 2022, she was tried and sentenced to four-and-a-half years in prison.
In recent years, the Ghanaian government has taken steps to address the galamsey mining issue. The establishment of the Minerals Commission in 1993 and the passage of the Minerals and Mining Act in 2006 were aimed to regulate the sector and promote environmental and social responsibility. However, implementation challenges and lack of resources have hindered the effectiveness of these initiatives. Factors such as intermingling private interests with public responsibility have hampered the government from making any serious progress. The overlap of laws and institutions makes the task arduous, as officials in regulatory agencies are reportedly appointed on partisan bases. Moreover, high-ranking state personalities are spared the brunt of litigation for their mining activities, which may undermine the strategies employed in various law enforcement clampdowns.
Considering the above, Ghana must implement a broad strategy to sanitize key institutions to reverse the corrosive impacts of galamsey mining. This ensures that regulatory frameworks are grounded in realistic cases, not merely theoretical. It is also necessary to streamline laws to facilitate more accessible access to licensing for artisanal miners, thereby expanding the cohort of taxpayers within the industry. On the dangers it poses, Ghana must provide alternative livelihoods for miners, invest in education and training programs, and promote sustainable mining practices. It should be noted that achieving these goals requires the cooperation of local communities. Through their input, the country can establish an effective monitoring network to understand the plights of the most affected stakeholders. The urgency of these actions cannot be overemphasized. Galamsey has transcended into a highly contentious national issue, provoking threats of actions from labor unions and engagement from even the clergy. Given the popularity of disaffection towards the effects of illegal gold mining, the Ghanaian state has only two options: act or act.
PS: I conversed with a broad segment of the Ghanaian population: chiefs, professors, students, and activists. Victor Angba, a PhD student at the University of Texas working on the Pra River, took some photos.
You may like
-
Trump’s Tenure And Africa’s Relation
-
Celebrating Professor Mukhtar Umar Bunzar: A New Dawn For Northwest University, Sokoto
-
Lerato Mbele To Interview Kingsley Moghalu January 19
-
Toyin Falola Interviews Holds Conversation With Kingsley Moghalu
-
Professor Nuhu Yaqub, 1951 To 2025: The Departure Of A Great Man
-
We Listen, We Don’t Judge
By Felix Oboagwina
Comrade, Congratulations ooo!
What’s up, Man? Why are you congratulating me? It’s not my birthday till September.
You should also tell me congratulations nevertheless!
I really need good news. What happened? Why are we exchanging congratulations?
Petrol price has dropped from four digits to three digits. Shame on doubting Thomases like you! Petrol is no longer N1,200; it is now N925.
Continue to be self-delusional! News flash: All petrol stations in this our neighbourhood are still displaying N1,045 per litre.
They will adjust their meters downwards, latest, tomorrow morning. Hooray!
Hooray kill you there! You know what is worrying you and most Nigerians?
Tell us o, Mister Doubting Thomas. What is “wronging” with us?
Stockholm Syndrome! You have been raped for so long that you have fallen in love with your rapist.
Asusu beke! Oyinbo! Mister Grammarian: Which one is Stockholm Syndrome? Let me Google it. Here it is: Stockholm Syndrome is a psychological theory that explains why hostages or victims may develop positive feelings towards their captors or abusers. This can lead to the victim defending or identifying with the captor, and may also include negative feelings towards authorities attempting to rescue them. The term originated from a 1973 bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden, where hostages developed an emotional bond with their captors instead of being hostile.
You Nigerians will celebrate a little gain from your oppressors when you have lost so, so much. Before your hero took over power on May 29, 2023, the price of petrol was N195. Then, someone opened his big mouth, waaaah, and said: SUBSIDY IS GONEYou! No strategy! No modus operandi! No incentive! No structure! Nothing! Before you could say JACK ROBINSON, predictably, the price reacted and fuel skyrocketed to N550 per litre. Today they sell for N1,045 minimum! Then these same Shylocks shave off less than N100 from that bogus price and you wave your tails like starving dogs handed a meatless bone.
What is wrong with celebrating what you call “little gains?”
By Toyin Falola
The reelection of Donald Trump and his return to the White House on January 20, 2025, have spurred debates regarding the consequences this new chapter in the leadership of the United States could have for the state of international relations. Although many analysts are focused on how this change in power would affect trade, security, and environmental policies in the United States, there is also a parallel discussion on the effects on developing continents like Africa. Not surprisingly, officials, academics, and global strategists from many African nations are beginning to examine how a Trump-led new government might either reinterpret long-standing ties, challenge diplomatic norms, or bring fresh accords that redefine present inter-relations.
Trump’s first term, marked by a foreign policy favoring bilateral treaties over multilateral ones, has already caused cautious expectations among African leaders to be aroused. For decades, many African nations have been fostering a range of security and economic ties to the United States, with many of these alliances undergoing recalibrations that did not always benefit the continent. Trump’s one-sided view of trade, framed by the “America First” notion, deviates from his predecessors’ traditional approach.
African governments have aggressively sought various foreign partners over the past decade to increase the range of commercial and financial investment portfolios. China, Russia, Turkey, and the European Union are among the significant forces leaving their traces over the continent. This broad spectrum of interests has contributed to a crowded field where African states engage in diplomatic balancing acts—sometimes using rivalry among international powers to secure favorable agreements. Following Donald Trump’s victory, there has been a lot of speculation on how the US government would either choose to intensify its rivalry with China in African nations or pursue selective cooperation to help offset Beijing’s influence.
The uniquely personal approach of the Trump administration, where public comments might overnight alter the tone of a relationship, accentuated this sense of unease. Africans who follow US politics recall remarks referring to various countries on the continent in less than favorable terms that sparked general indignation and questions about whether such rhetoric foretold a more general policy move away from previously friendly connections. Critics claimed it was ready to give more obvious headline issues elsewhere top priority over African challenges. Some African officials responded by deciding to increase their interactions with other partners. China invests significantly in African infrastructure and resource extraction and has been the most apparent gainer of this recalibration. Russia also became more visible, particularly in arms purchases and security training; Turkey and the Gulf countries expanded their commercial presence in specific areas. Analysts hope for consistency in that inclination for one-on-one deals over broad multilateral commitments as the Trump White House prepares to retake the front stage.
Initially low on Trump’s agenda, the African Growth and Opportunity Act—which provides duty-free access for a range of goods—is under increasing debate among experts about whether it might be subjected to fresh scrutiny or even a significant overhaul forcing African nations to renegotiate on more reciprocal terms. Few would dispute that such conversations might be intimidating for smaller nations lacking the same negotiating power as more developed governments.
Simultaneously, nations with more substantial industrial and resource bases could use this climate to draw attention and investment, hoping to find deals granting them privileged access to American markets. These debates generally center on how Washington may compromise between lowering its overseas obligations and meeting its desire to compete with China.
Although Sino-American competition is now a theater for Africa, Trump’s approach thus far has been to attack Beijing more directly rather than devoting significant funds to match Chinese investments in freeways, train lines, or industrial parks throughout the continent. Under Trump, Washington would choose focused projects that support specific American economic or security goals instead of massive infrastructure schemes, maybe emphasizing strategic minerals, oil reserves, or technologically driven sectors. African countries that find those industries needing finance, knowledge, or technology support can profit from this strategy. Still, whether the second Trump government will seek to create more appealing frameworks for African growth or try to limit Chinese entry is unclear.
The field of security cooperation generates particularly strong conjecture. While openly expressing an intention to lower the total military presence worldwide, the Pentagon did retain or even increase some operations against terrorist organizations like al-Shabaab in Somalia during Trump’s previous term.Increased drone strikes and special operations in various conflict areas sparked discussions on whether such tactics enhanced long-term stability or only served to limit threats for a given period. Though experts advise a closer mix of economic and humanitarian aid to solve the underlying causes of extremism, observers predict that the trend will continue. Some African leaders worry that a laser focus on military action could eclipse important initiatives aiming at social services, government reforms, and young employment.
In the middle of this global emphasis, several analysts advise African countries to create a collective strategy that clearly and succinctly outlines their objectives for the next four years and sets their priorities. Depending on the situation, this could mean improving already-existing treaties or rewriting them under fresh conditions needing more African negotiator involvement. Establishing closer cooperation with colleagues from non-Western nations could also help guard against the volatility emanating from Washington. Should the second term of President Trump go in unexpected directions or impose policies on trade and aid that African governments find objectionable, this kind of preparedness could help offer a margin of stability.
Critics warn that depending too much on ad hoc solutions would expose African governments to abrupt policy changes or budgetary constraints.
Besides, many African analysts believe that a Trump-led White House might inspire Africa to engage in more coordinated initiatives on issues including continental free trade, intra-African tourism, and industrial policy cooperation. These people believe that if African countries see a decline in funding or an unclear commitment from the United States government, it might encourage a stronger push towards self-sufficiency and a stronger integration of the continent. Though the African Union has been pushing for such objectives for a reasonable time, there have been cases when real growth lags behind the rhetoric. Competing national interests, a restricted budget, and ongoing conflicts between neighboring nations have all contributed to this. Still, some believe that a resurrected Trump government—known for its unpredictable behavior and limited approach to involvement—would ironically give African leaders the shock they need to express themselves more firmly in their quest for unification. They argue that a more unified Africa would give the continent a stronger voice in international debates and shield it from the outside shocks that could arise whenever a dominant partner changes its course of action or withdraws some advantages.
Those focusing on economic alliances believe Africa is at a crossroads. Rapid urbanization, a rising young population, and untapped innovation ecosystems throughout the continent present rich ground for investment in various industries, from technology enterprises to agribusiness. American-based companies have occasionally shown a will to seize these possibilities, especially in countries that have invested in dependable broadband infrastructure and offer legal frameworks supporting global collaboration.
The Trump administration’s attitude toward lowering foreign aid and emphasizing financial returns over broad-based development may cause investors to prioritize profitable sectors like mining or oil over essential investments in education or healthcare. Critics of such a selective approach worry that it could lead to temporary economic bubbles, mainly benefiting a tiny number of elites while leaving normal people behind. Some critics warn about this danger here. Conversely, many people think that Trump’s inclination for haggling over large sums of money could inspire him to search for high-impact initiatives with quick access to clear benefits.
Under the former government, President Trump sought symbolic achievements he could support as proof of effective negotiations on a sporadic basis. If there is an apparent political or financial gain, this approach could match Africa’s significant resources and the appeal of modernizing initiatives. Conversely, people worry that with local businesses playing a secondary role, these agreements might be significantly biased to benefit American companies. Under this situation, many experts are reminded of a time when African countries had to adopt development targets determined by donors and often made significant concessions in return for projects involving industry or infrastructure. There is hope that as African nations keep growing and enhancing their strategic planning, they will become more aggressive and search for alliances with generally positive effects. Utilizing the development of jobs, the dissemination of technology, or the application of local content requirements guaranteeing genuine involvement from African firms, they could try to acquire community buy-in.
Beyond these more general policy issues, the African diaspora in the United States has become a powerful economic and cultural link influencing African impressions of American political events. Diaspora groups engage in local businesses, send billions of dollars in remittances to their own countries, and frequently travel back and forth to foster economic relations and entrepreneurial activity. Should Trump’s immigration posture tighten, African professionals or students may find it more difficult to sustain these flows, and that disturbance might reverberate throughout fields like healthcare to education. However, if history is anything to go by, the diaspora has shown resiliency despite tight visa policies and has found other paths to stay actively involved with hometowns. Whether the incoming government will recognize the increasing impact of the diaspora or carry on measures some believe to be obstacles to complete integration is yet unknown.
In popular culture, Africa’s deep ties with the United States have created a vibrant exchange of music, film, and digital content. Afro-beat has found devoted fans worldwide, including in American cities. Hollywood, for its part, has begun paying more attention to African audiences and themes. This cultural interplay does not halt when a new president takes office, though it can shift. Creative collaboration may slow if visa restrictions tighten or specific cultural exchange programs lose official support. Yet social media platforms have proven immensely effective in bridging gaps, allowing African creators to reach American fans without extensive institutional backing. As a result, cultural links often flourish despite political differences, and everyday people continue to forge relationships that bypass formal channels.
Those who see international diplomacy from a more expansive perspective believe the competitive conflict between the US and China will always influence African leaders’ stance. Already transforming skylines, port cities, and industrial zones are ambitious infrastructure projects Beijing supports. Should the American administration deepen or hasten its geopolitical challenge to China, it might give African cities a chance to negotiate better terms. Some viewers who see a future in which Africa can use big power rivalry to guarantee infrastructure improvements, technological transfers, and increased trade channels find that prospect exciting. Others warn that depending too much on one side of a geopolitical conflict could backfire should world powers change their approach or achieve compromise among themselves, therefore marginalizing lesser participants.
In countries grappling with internal conflicts, there is an immediate question of whether American involvement will remain consistent. Some regions rely on steady injections of US humanitarian aid, delivered through partnerships with international organizations, to keep people fed and to support medical facilities in war-torn zones. Should the new Trump administration decide to reduce these humanitarian allocations, local communities may face devastating resource gaps.Non-governmental organizations would need to seek alternative funders or cut programs entirely, leaving displaced populations even more vulnerable. Although a few commentators expect that core humanitarian efforts will persist, especially in crises that capture global headlines, they acknowledge that budgets can be reallocated in unpredictable ways.
At the same time, confident African entrepreneurs and innovators have expressed hope that the United States might favor building private-sector bonds over traditional development assistance. They argue that a business-driven model, though competitive, could promote self-sufficiency and job creation. If American investors look to Africa’s technology hubs for robust returns, this might spur the growth of local ecosystems in fields such as financial technology, e-commerce, and agricultural innovations. Cities like Cape Town and Kigali have drawn international attention for their blooming startup scenes. A second Trump presidency that prizes deal-making might well funnel resources into such areas, especially if they align with emerging US economic interests. Much will depend on whether policymakers in Washington sense an opportunity to nurture the private sector in Africa as an engine of mutual prosperity or whether they decide to clamp down on areas they perceive as less essential.
The most critical concern for ordinary people monitoring daily policy changes is ensuring that agreements developed between Washington and African capitals do not compromise local voices. In areas of the continent that are still experiencing epidemics or underfunded educational institutions, civil society organizations expect uphill challenges over sustaining financing for health and education activities. Humanitarian supporters fear what will happen to refugee populations should the government tighten its international assistance policy. Concurrent with this is a clear will among grassroots activists and non-governmental groups to create more resilient paths by looking for alternative funders or advocating for African governments to protect essential services independent of foreign budgetary decisions.
Inspired by local accomplishments and an administration in Washington that responds to apparent successes, several observers anticipate that new patterns of cooperation may develop during these next few years. The American government will consider whether African entrepreneurs create vibrant technology clusters or regional economic blocs to show that their markets can manage more manufacturing. That will enable Africa to be regarded as a real partner for substantial, mutually beneficial economic projects instead of seeing just through the prism of charity or security support. Though past efforts at such a rebranding have encountered challenges, the convergence of Africa’s dynamic demography, digital development, and global awareness of its potential could generate the impetus needed even though this potential is tempered by the understanding that Trump’s policies might also hinder progress if they result in sudden limits on travel, if they remove essential money for development efforts, or if they reinforce unfavorable perceptions about the continent. Primarily, if harsh language is used once more in the discourse, this worst-case scenario could create an atmosphere of mistrust between the African public and the United States of America. The continent is keeping a close eye on the situation and is currently engaged in heated conversations over what the next four years will bring and the best way to react. Student organizations think tanks, corporate forums, and media outlets continue to get together to discuss, evaluate, and share new points of view on how to turn uncertainty into opportunity.
There is no definitive answer to the question of how to proceed. Africa is not a stage where larger nations merely act out their geopolitical moves; Africa has a lot of activity. There is a patchwork of countries that are resolute in pursuing a fairer share of global prosperity, and the future chapter in the presidency of the United States of America has the potential to either advance or hinder their aspirations. Even though African leaders and populations have developed since then and are now more equipped to deal with the unexpected, Trump’s second term will likely be almost identical to his first term regarding unforeseen twists and big announcements. If they successfully present their arguments within the halls of power and maintain their unwavering dedication to the community’s priorities, they may discover that even a turbulent administration can provide expansion opportunities. This option’s success is contingent on African states’ capacity to successfully coordinate their efforts, preserve social and political stability within their borders, and keep a watchful eye on the long game of ensuring sustained developmental growth.
As the dust settles on the presidential transition in the United States and attention switches to policy announcements from the White House, the ultimate decision regarding Trump’s reelection for Africa will be determined by what comes to fruition. It will interest observers to assess whether trade dialogues increase, whether or not security cooperation results in long-term peace rather than short bursts of activity, and whether or not cultural and educational linkages continue to exist despite any changes in regulatory policies.
When all is said and done, it will take some time to determine how the reinvigorated leadership of the United States under President Trump affects Africa’s march toward greater integration, stronger economies, and more resilient societies. On the other hand, Africa’s trajectory increasingly reflects its vitality and goals, and Washington’s role is simply one piece of the complex puzzle that is Africa’s overall trajectory. Because of this sense of agency, many people continue to have hope. Visionaries resolute in their pursuit to redefine their continent’s position in the international arena are the driving force behind Africa’s success, even in the face of global power maneuvers, local setbacks, or uncertain signals from a new administration. Africa is ready to be not just a beneficiary of decisions about foreign policy but also an influential player influencing worldwide trends. Their voices will shape the discourse as these next four years unfold, reminding the world that Africa is poised to be both receiving and shaping international trends.
Any individual who is committed to a global system that is more just and balanced will find this aim to be resonant. The countries that make up the continent should closely monitor the situation, express their opinions, and adjust as required. By acting in this manner, they are reinforcing the fact that the future of Africa is no longer solely dependent on the desires of a foreign superpower, and the stage is set for a new phase in which Africa and the United States will recalibrate their connections within a bigger and more complex global context. Although nothing can be assured, there is ample room for optimism.
Please join us for a panel discussion with our distinguished panelists, Professors Christopher Isike, Kingsley Makhubela, Ayisah Osori, and Carl LeVan, who will be sharing their expertise on “President Trump and Africa”:
Sunday, January 26, 2025
10 AM Austin // 5 PM Nigeria // 6 PM South Africa
. Falola is Extraordinary Professor of Political Science, University of Pretoria.
By Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha
Banji: A speaker speaks no more!
Rita: How poetic! How dramatic!
Uyi: How decisive! Now there will be peace in the world!
Rita: Excuse me. Now you are being sarcastic!
Uyi: In a world of absurdities, it is sarcasm that keeps one sane!
Rita: It has been poetic to me, anyway. That’s my opinion.
Banji: What is poetic? The language or the experience?
Rita: Both, I believe. Lessons in hubris. The power of power, the failure of power. The wheel came full circle for a man consumed by innate arrogance.
Banji: One of the lessons of power. A recurring one.
Rita: But man never seems to learn. He has always been a victim of pride and will continue to be forever and ever.
Uyi: But you have both joined the bandwagon and pronounced the man guilty without giving him fair hearing. Why was he impeached while he was away to the United States?
Banji: Hahahaha! To reduce bloodshed, perhaps, you know! To prevent counter forces from laying an ambush.
Rita: Does it matter really?
Banji: But speaking seriously, why didn’t Strongman Mudasiru Obasa get wind of his impending fall and rally his troops?
Rita: He was strong only when the forces of power allowed him to be. This, he didn’t realize. Now, he can’t disburse any largesse. His visitors will be very few now.
Rita: Besides, did he have troops? I think he had offended too many people in the long ten years in power, from June 2015 to January 2025. He is alleged to have routinely disrespected the governor.
Uyi: He must have been a fool if he did that. State-appointed or elected officials must know the difference between the man and the office. The occupant is a tenant, but the seat is forever. A Speaker who disrespects the Governor disrespects the people, disrespects the entire Executive branch of government.
Okoro: Then why did he last for so long in that position?
Banji: Very many reasons. He was simply indulged by the powerful persons in government. The report is that when he offended the inner caucus of the governance in the state, he had to go. It is said that on the cabinet list last presented by the governor, he pushed, shoved, blocked, and shook up the list until they made concessions. He even initially rejected a candidate who was backed by Abuja.
Uyi: In my view, if a man is accused of an offence, he must be given the opportunity to defend himself according to the articles of impeachment.
Banji: Impeachment is essentially a political process; not a legal one. That is to say, once the establishment declares you unfit, they will cook, manufacture, import, and concoct reasons to get you out. Fair hearing is not part of the bargain!
Rita: Let us consider all the impeachments in our nation’s history, starting from Alhaji Balarabe Musa’s experience in 1981 in the Second Republic. Balarabe Musa was in an impossible position because the House of Assembly was NPN-dominated while he was in PRP. They could not agree on a list of Commissioners. To throw him out, he was accused of corruption though that man was above board. Ayo Fayose in 2006, Peter Obi in 2006, Joshua Dariye in 2006, Oyo State governor Rashidi Ladoja in 2006, Bayelsa State Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in 2005, and Murtala Nyako of Adamawa state 2014 were all victims of impeachment.
Okoro: Since 1999, about sixteen deputy governors have been impeached in Nigeria also. From Lagos state we have Femi Pedro and Kofoworola, Iyiola Omisore (Osun) Chris Ekpenyong (Akwa Ibom), Abiodun Aluko and Biodun Olujimi (Ekiti) Garba Gadi (Bauchi). Phillip Shaibu was the 17th deputy governor to be impeached in Nigeria once he fell out with the incumbent governor.
Rita: Lagos is now on the list of twenty states where speakers have been impeached since 1999. Victor Idoro in Edo State was removed in 2016 by 16 of 24 members. He had been accused of highhandedness. Significantly he was replaced by a female speaker. Frank Okiye of Edo state in 2020), Rita Madunagu of Anambra in 2018, Adamu Musa of Niger State in 2015, and Goni Ali Modu of Borno state in 2012. In 2021, Abok Ayuba was impeached by 16 out of 24 legislators in Plateau state, Abubakar Ibrahim of Gombe state in 2020. In Delta state, Victor Ochei was removed in 2014 while Monday Igbuya faced the music in 2017. A couple of others were impeached from office. So, it’s not new.
Uyi: You have become an expert in the history of impeachments!
Rita: Hahahahaha! I’m a journalist, so, I should know.
Okoro: Impeachments have nothing to do with justice. It is a political weapon that is deployed to get rid of a political liability. Period.
Banji: Loyalty is important in politics in Nigeria.
Okoro: Loyalty my foot! What the Nigerian politician calls loyalty is spurious. It means a mentee or political associate must not hold views that are contrary to the position of so-called godfathers. You will run into problems if you display ambitions not supported by the big oga. The gist around town is that Obasa felt he was strong enough to aspire to the Lagos throne without the support of the powers-that-be.
Banji: A speaker speaks no more!
Rita: How are the mighty fallen!
Uyi: The state governor has distanced himself from the impeachment saga. Claims that the House did its own plans.
Banji: Tell that to the marines. There is no way a speaker can be impeached without the knowledge and consent of the state governor. A consensus must have been reached in conjunction with the Jagaban in Abuja before the exercise.
Rita: Whatever they do, they must remember the masses, the ordinary people of the state who need support. Impeachments will not tar the streets. Impeachment will not put food on the table. Impeachment will not increase power supply. Impeachment will not give hope to the poor. It is an intraclass struggle which the real owners of the state will not benefit from. I rest my case!
Banji: Gbam! Your case is well rested!