Opinion
Galamsey Versus Ghana
Published
2 months agoon
By Toyin Falola
You cannot be in Ghana and not talk about “Galamsey,” pushing aside the popularity of such names as Nana, Kofi, and Kwame. When I told participants at the annual literary festival that I would write about it, I received a loud ovation. It is part of the conversation on the forthcoming presidential elections. University teachers are on strike to pressure the government to stop it. Be afraid of drinking mercury in water and eating fish. The water bodies are damaged. Galamsey is the new Ebola, as dangerous as COVID-19 before the vaccination. Galamsey is the vampire that sucks blood.
The term “galamsey” elicits in the mind implications of democratic access to Ghana’s troves of gold. Meaning “gather them and sell,” galamsey digging has been an essential part of conversations in the mining ecosystem of this West African nation. The informal mining sector, alternatively known as Artisanal Small-scale Mining (ASM), has operated for decades, providing livelihoods for thousands of people.
However, its unregulated and chaotic nature has often led to severe environmental, health, and social consequences. The importance of addressing galamsey mining cannot be overstated, as its impact on Ghana’s environment, human health, and economy creates existential urgency, particularly for the ordinary Ghanaians who are the most affected.
To fully grasp the impact of this industry, it is essential first to understand how it operates. Galamsey mining refers to the artisanal small-scale mining of minerals, primarily gold, using rudimentary methods. These miners, often unauthorized and unlicensed, operate in remote areas, extracting minerals from shallow deposits. Over the years, this informal sector has grown significantly, with estimates suggesting that over one million artisanal small-scale miners operate in Ghana. Mining in the country dates back to the 19th century, with gold being the primary mineral extracted. The sector has experienced tremendous growth, positioning Ghana as Africa’s largest gold producer and the sixth-largest globally.
However, the artisanal small-scale mining sector, particularly galamsey, operates outside Ghana’s regulatory framework. This lack of regulation has led to severe environmental degradation, health hazards, and economic instability. The sector’s contribution to Ghana’s gold production is substantial, accounting for approximately 30% of the country’s gold output; however, the benefits of galamsey mining are heavily outweighed by its devastating consequences.
One of the most pressing concerns surrounding galamsey mining is its environmental impact. Mercury and other toxic chemicals in mining have led to widespread water pollution, deforestation, and soil contamination. This destruction of natural habitats and biodiversity severely impacts Ghana’s ecosystem. For instance, water pollution affects the miners and surrounding communities, posing a significant risk to human health. Also, destroying fertile land and forests has long-term consequences for Ghana’s agricultural sector and food security. In some cases, illegal miners have been reported to have forcefully taken over cocoa farmlands, contributing significantly to the Ghanaian economy, accounting for 10% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and employing up to one million farmers.
In addition to environmental concerns, galamsey mining poses serious health risks to miners and surrounding communities. The use of mercury and other toxic chemicals has led to increased cases of mercury poisoning, respiratory diseases, and other health issues. These risks are further exacerbated by the lack of proper safety equipment and training, resulting in frequent accidents and fatalities. Living conditions for miners are often deplorable, with inadequate access to healthcare, sanitation, and clean water. The methods used by these miners also leave large expanses of water coated in mud, making them unsuitable for consumption. Even more disturbing is the warning by some Ghanaian sources that the country may have to resort to water importation by 2030 if these harmful practices are not halted.
Mercury and other toxic chemicals in galamsey mining have contaminated Ghana’s water sources, including rivers, streams, and groundwater. Mercury, a potent neurotoxin, is linked to neurological disorders, congenital disabilities, and respiratory problems. Mercury exposure can portend significant implications for the kidneys, brain, lungs, skin, and gastrointestinal tract. Pollution from galamsey has affected several major rivers, including the Pra, Birim, and Ankobra. These rivers are vital sources of drinking water, irrigation, and domestic use for millions of Ghanaians, and their contamination poses a significant threat to the well-being of the people, particularly those in rural communities. For example, a study found that people living in communities near galamsey mining sites had higher levels of mercury in their blood and urine.
Galamsey mining has also led to widespread deforestation, with forests cleared to make way for mining activities. This destruction of natural habitats severely affects Ghana’s biodiversity, leading to the loss of endangered species and ecosystems. The removal of vegetation also increases soil erosion, landslides, and flooding. The country’s forest cover has declined significantly due to galamsey mining, with the forest reserve dropping from 8.2 million hectares in 1900 to approximately 1.6 million hectares today. This significant loss of forest cover undermines Ghana’s efforts to combat climate change. Similarly, deforestation affects local communities that rely on forests for their livelihoods, such as farming, hunting, and gathering. The destruction of forests disrupts traditional practices and cultural heritage, further intensifying social conflicts.
The harmful effects of chemical additives and heavy metals used in galamsey mining extend to the soil, which becomes contaminated. Invariably, long-term risks to agricultural productivity and food security are instituted. Soil pollution also affects human health, as toxic chemicals can be absorbed through skin contact or ingestion. Even worse is the likelihood that the pollution will last for decades, which paints a bleak picture for the agricultural sector and the food security it provides.
Compounding these issues is the air pollution caused by diesel generators and heavy machinery during mining operations. Releasing particulate matter, sulfur dioxide, and other pollutants contributes to respiratory problems and other health issues. Neither miners nor host communities are excluded from the respiratory risk associated with the excavation process. For miners, in particular, the occupational health hazards are severe, as they often lack proper safety equipment, training, and medical care, which increases the risks of accidents and injuries from machinery and explosives. Hearing loss and vibration syndrome, heat stress, dehydration, and others are frequently documented among the galamsey labor force.
The social implications of galamsey mining have equally proven to be alarming. The sector’s informal nature has led to the exploitation of vulnerable groups, including children and women. Child labor is prevalent in galamsey mining, with children as young as ten years old working in hazardous conditions that expose them to toxic chemicals. This contradicts the country’s minimum age requirement of 18 for licensed access to mining sites, as outlined in the Children’s Act. These children are denied access to education, which perpetuates the cycle of poverty. Relatedly, galamsey mining has led to the exploitation of vulnerable groups, particularly children and women. Women are disproportionately affected, often bearing the brunt of environmental degradation due to their primary responsibilities for household chores and childcare. The destruction of natural resources and the pollution of water sources increase their workload and expose them to significant health risks.
Additionally, the influx of miners into remote areas has led to social conflicts between residents and intruding miners. It continues to disrupt social structures and community dynamics in affected areas, leading to increased population density, strained local infrastructure, and resource shortages. The government and communities face immense economic losses, with approximately 85% of mining activities being unlicensed and unregulated. Galamsey mining operations often evade taxes and royalties, depriving the state of much-needed revenue while causing substantial harm.
Furthermore, the environmental degradation caused by galamsey mining has profound economic implications. The destruction of natural resources, pollution of water sources, and loss of biodiversity undermine Ghana’s economic development. Critical to Ghana’s economy, the tourism and agriculture sectors are particularly vulnerable to such environmental degradation.
However, galamsey mining did not spring out of the shadows as it has a long history in Ghana, dating back to the pre-colonial era. The practice was initially tolerated by colonial authorities, who saw it as supplementing the country’s gold production. But with the passage of the Minerals Ordinance, galamsey mining became illegal. Despite this, the sector continued to thrive, driven by the demand for gold and the lack of economic opportunities in rural areas.
Post-independence, the Ghanaian government attempted to formalize the small-scale mining sector by establishing the Small-Scale Mining Project (SSMP) in 1989. However, the project’s failure to provide adequate support and resources led to the proliferation of informal mining activities. The sector’s growth was further fueled by the surge in global gold prices in the 2000s, attracting thousands of artisanal miners to Ghana. Notably, many of these miners were Chinese, with around 50,000 nationals from China flocking to Ghana between 2008 and 2013.
Unfortunately, the lack of effective regulation and enforcement has significantly contributed to the galamsey mining menace. Corruption, inadequate resources, and poor coordination among government agencies have hindered efforts to crack down on illegal mining activities.
Also, the complexity of Ghana’s mining laws and regulations has created confusion among miners, leading many to operate outside the formal sector. The role of Chinese investors in Ghana’s galamsey mining sector has also been contentious. While the influx of Chinese miners, equipment, and expertise has increased the sector’s capacity and efficiency, allegations of environmental degradation, exploitation of local miners, and corruption have sparked tensions between Ghanaian authorities and the Chinese.
Critics argue that before the influx of foreign miners, galamsey was primarily a crude venture that relied on essential equipment and only achieved shallow excavation depths. However, the supply of heavier industrial earth-movers and organized commercial entities has taken it far beyond these levels. A symbolic pushback against the impacts of expatriate involvement in the sector is the trial and sentencing of En “Aisha” Huang, a Chinese national known as the “Galamsey Queen.” Huang had previously evaded serving a sentence when she was deported in 2017 after an arrest. Upon her return in 2022, she was tried and sentenced to four-and-a-half years in prison.
In recent years, the Ghanaian government has taken steps to address the galamsey mining issue. The establishment of the Minerals Commission in 1993 and the passage of the Minerals and Mining Act in 2006 were aimed to regulate the sector and promote environmental and social responsibility. However, implementation challenges and lack of resources have hindered the effectiveness of these initiatives. Factors such as intermingling private interests with public responsibility have hampered the government from making any serious progress. The overlap of laws and institutions makes the task arduous, as officials in regulatory agencies are reportedly appointed on partisan bases. Moreover, high-ranking state personalities are spared the brunt of litigation for their mining activities, which may undermine the strategies employed in various law enforcement clampdowns.
Considering the above, Ghana must implement a broad strategy to sanitize key institutions to reverse the corrosive impacts of galamsey mining. This ensures that regulatory frameworks are grounded in realistic cases, not merely theoretical. It is also necessary to streamline laws to facilitate more accessible access to licensing for artisanal miners, thereby expanding the cohort of taxpayers within the industry. On the dangers it poses, Ghana must provide alternative livelihoods for miners, invest in education and training programs, and promote sustainable mining practices. It should be noted that achieving these goals requires the cooperation of local communities. Through their input, the country can establish an effective monitoring network to understand the plights of the most affected stakeholders. The urgency of these actions cannot be overemphasized. Galamsey has transcended into a highly contentious national issue, provoking threats of actions from labor unions and engagement from even the clergy. Given the popularity of disaffection towards the effects of illegal gold mining, the Ghanaian state has only two options: act or act.
PS: I conversed with a broad segment of the Ghanaian population: chiefs, professors, students, and activists. Victor Angba, a PhD student at the University of Texas working on the Pra River, took some photos.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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