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In-Between Rogue State And Cow State

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Drug War: The President Is Right After All!

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Emmanuel Onwubiko

I was drawn into reading a small beautifully designed book that treated dangerous themes. Then I saw an entry on the Tokyo Earthquake (1923) that occurred on Sunday, 2 September 1923, whereupon the author confessed that on the said date, a news report came via Shanghai from Osaka, Japan. It read: “Yesterday, Yokohama and most of Tokyo totally destroyed in devastating earthquake followed by fire. Heavy loss of life.”

For some days, because of shattered communications, news of what had happened reached the outside world only in fragments.
On 3 September, more reports trickled through: “100,000 people reported killed, 200,000 buildings destroyed, including all Tokyo’s business quarter and most government offices. A power station collapsed, killing 600. Tokyo arsenal exploded. Water system completely destroyed. Food warehouses burned to the ground. Fires still raging.”

On 4 September: “Casualties mounting, possibly 150,000 killed. Railway station in ruins; Japan’s longest tunnel at Sasako caved in, suffocating a trainload of passengers. Sumida River burst its banks, drowning hundreds.

All bridges down. Almost all schools, hospitals, factories wrecked. Summer resorts on Sagami Bay (20 miles south-west of Tokyo) obliterated.”

On 5 September: “Many passengers and goods trains derailed with heavy loss of life. Tidal waves, 40 feet high, swamped Sagami Bay, causing massive destruction, then receded, baring the ocean floor. Oil-storage tanks at Yokohama exploded. 40,000 people burned to death by fire cyclone in Tokyo Park. 1,600 crushed, then burned in subsequent fire when Fuji cotton mill collapsed.” (The World ’s Worst Disasters of the Twentieth Century by Hamlyn).

I read with trepidation and considerable shock the above summation of the Tokyo 1923 Earthquake which in the scientific estimation of record keepers turned out to be one of the worst disasters in recorded history to have occurred to humanity.

Well the one disaster that is nearer to us locally would definitely be the thirty months fratricidal civil war between the then breakaway Eastern region and Nigeria in which a considerable genocide occurred with nearly three million civilians slaughtered in the then Biafran Republic which actually tried to secede from the newly Independent British Colonized territory known as Nigeria.

In that war, it was said that the Federal Forces imposed food embargo against the Eastern region then called Biafra and this apparent War Crime led to the death of millions of children.

READ ALSO: How Rising Prices Pushed Seven Million Nigerians Below Poverty Line In 2020 – World Bank

In the context of our reflection today, we can also say that Nigeria is currently undergoing one of the worst forms of human disasters because in most parts of the country as we speak, children cannot go to school in safety without being attacked by terrorists that President Muhammadu Buhari have chosen to only address as armed bandits just as most of these terrorists are Fulanis with the same ethnicity with the president.

The live disaster that is taking place in Nigeria also has to do with the fact that the political authority in Abuja has prioritized the welfare of cows much more than those of human beings.

This tendency offends both natural law and the Nigerian Grund Norm which clearly states the sanctity of life in many sections including section 33 (1)  that says: “Every person has a right to life, and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria.”

It is indeed a thing of unfathomable worry that President Buhari talks more about how to protect cows and the seemingly lawless herders who share the same ethnicity with him than about human beings who are at the receiving end of different kinds of terror attacks.

Recently, he decided after a long while to speak to Nigerians via the media of mass communication.

First, he spoke with Arise television before he also spoke to the publicly owned Nigerian Television Authority.

In all of these interactions characterized by negative assertions and threats targeting the South East of Nigeria because of the raging agitation for self- determination by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), the president devoted a substantial part of those monologues to talks about cows.

He categorically made a statement insisting that open grazing of cows is the only option he would accept. His conclusion on open grazing contradicts the democratic decision of both the Northern and Southern governors.

But President Buhari stood behind his kinsman who is his justice minister to direct that grazing routes be demarcated and handed over to Fulani herdsmen even without saying how his government will handle the many cases of mass killing of farmers by Fulani herdsmen who wield Ak- 47 but he faintly asserted that the Fulani that bear and brandish assorted weapons are from Mauritania and central African Republic.

Imagine a President whose primary lawful duty is to protect lives of citizens and their property now abdicating from that constitutional role under the guise that those doing the killings of his citizens are not his kinsmen from Nigeria but his Kinsmen from outside Nigeria.

This is outrageous and reprehensible.

Over and above all, the president spoke about cows and concluded with cow business by saying that he would be retiring to his farms to tend his cattle in Katsina.

Another disaster being inflicted on Nigeria is the demolition of all values that seek to defend free speech just as the Federal Government has consistently deployed armed security force to crush civil protests and has used full force against only the South East-based Indigenous Peoples of Biafra whom he categorized as terrorists by obtaining exparte order of Abuja federal High Court declaring them (IPOB) as a terrorist group just as the matter challenging that proscription has never been heard and the lawyer representing IPOB has been physically attacked thrice by armed security forces and two of his brothers assassinated by the Nigerian State just for being a legal representative of IPOB in the law courts.

READ ALSO: What Should Be Done For Economic Recovery, Growth In Africa – Okonjo-Iweala

Few hours after he spoke about cows and what he intends to do using Abubakar Malami to protect the business interests of private cow owners, the government unleashed the police who brutally attacked protesters who gathered in Abuja and Lagos on June 12th 2021 to demand good governance and accountability.

A typical media representation of the repressive state of the Nigeria of today is going viral on social media. There is a photographic depiction of armed police operative brutalizing a peaceful protester on June 12th and another photo showing a police man admiring armed Fulani militia member who attended one of the many meetings staged by Katsina and Zamfara governors to try to win the terrorists that Muhammadu Buhari has so far refused to call terrorists, over to embrace dialogue.

What we then see is a tyrant who is in Abuja making use of armed security forces to clamp down on peaceful protesters but has failed to crush armed Fulani herdsmen who have continued to kill and maim citizens all across Nigeria.

Now let us return to the speech by President Buhari in which he apparently was communicating to the world that all he cares about as president is the welfare of cows and his Fulani kinsmen who tend these cows.

Already his threat to revive the so-called cattle routes has unleashed intellectual battles on two fronts.

President Muhammadu Buhari said he plans to revive cattle grazing routes and grazing areas set across the country in the 1960s, suggesting an opposition to the open grazing ban announced by the 17 southern governors.

The southern governors had in May declared a ban on open grazing, asking the mainly Fulani herders to practise a settled form of livestock production to control their incessant violent conflicts with farmers and host communities over resources.

But in the wake of that declaration, the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister for Justice, Abubakar Malami, controversially challenged the governors and set an equivalence between banning open grazing and banning auto parts trading in the north.

Malami’s comparison was as reported by an online medium seen as a false equivalence and disguisedly targeting the Igbo group, who are known for auto parts trading, prompting protests on the social media.

After Mr Malami, Garba Shehu, presidential spokesperson, also said the ban by the southern governors was lawless and his principal had a better plan.

“I have asked to dig up gazettes of the First Republic,” Mr Buhari said in his Arise TV interview aired on Thursday morning, referring to the documents that in the 1960s set hundreds of routes and areas for free range cattle grazing across the country.
The routes traverse Nigeria’s states and neighbouring countries, thereby allowing foreign herders to seasonally explore Nigeria for pasture. But the foreigners have been blamed for being particularly violent, a point the president also made in his interview. However, indigenous herders also fight with farmers over access to shrinking resources amid growing population and need for land, so reports the press.

“There are cattle routes and grazing areas,” the president further said. “You have to stay there and if you allow your cattle to stray into another person’s farm you will be arrested.”

He added that “the routes and the areas are known,” and warned that encroachers “will be dispossessed.”

Immediately he made the above remarks, governors kicked and maintained that there was no going back on their ban on open grazing.

Also, the Senator representing the Osun Central senatorial district, Dr Ajibola Basiru, said that President Muhammadu Buhari lacked the powers to revive the old grazing routes, anywhere in the country.

The lawmaker also said he wondered if the president had been receiving correct legal advice from the attorney-general of the federation, Abubakar Malami.

Basiru, who holds a doctoral degree in property law, said he spoke to The Punch in his capacity as the senator representing the Osun Central Senatorial District, and in his personal capacity because the upper chamber had yet to take a position on the matter.

The lawmaker said the issue of grazing routes was not known to the Nigerian constitution and that Buhari did not have any power to direct the implementation of any law that was alien to the country’s legal books.

He explained that the gazette that Buhari was referring to was a product of a decree promulgated in the northern Nigeria in the 1960s.

He argued that the Land Use Act, which is recognised by the Nigerian constitution, had rubbished the so-called grazing routes gazette.

READ ALSO: Prince Yemisi Shyllon: Different Slides Of Success

He explained that the Land Use Act had transferred to state governments, the sole power to legislate on the use of land for any purpose, including grazing.

Basiru said it was only governors of the northern part of the country that could individually make laws to identify grazing routes because the gazette, which Buhari referred to, had become obsolete.

He said : “Nigerians do not need to criticise the president for making that statement, rather, they should find out whether the president has actually been properly advised by his attorney general and the legal team.

“Nigerians should be concerned over whether the Nigerian president is actually getting the correct legal advice from his attorney general and the legal team.

“As far as I am concerned, as a legal practitioner, there is nothing like grazing routes or grazing reserve law, in the laws of the Federation of Nigeria. There is nothing like that.

“There is no federal legislation that the president can implement over such matter.

“The executive powers of the president merely rely on the powers of the National Assembly to make laws, when you look at Section 5 of the Constitution.

“Any area where the National Assembly cannot make laws, and there are no express grants of powers to the president under the Constitution, a purported exercise of power by the president in that regard, will be null and void because it is inconsistent with the Constitution by Section 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution.

“I have painstakingly looked at the laws of the Federation of Nigeria and I did not see a copy of any law that is called federal grazing law, or grazing Act or any other title relating to the issue.

“I am aware that there is a northern Nigerian law on reserve and grazing routes which was promulgated by a 1964 decree by the premier of the defunct northern Nigeria region.

“It is not a federal law unless the legal adviser to Mr President is equating a northern Nigerian law, which is not applicable in the West, Mid-West, and Eastern region or in anywhere in the southern part of Nigeria, to be a federal or a Nigerian law.

“The president does not have the power to implement that law because it is not a federal law.

“He can only implement federal legislation made by the National Assembly or deemed to have been made by the National Assembly.

“The grazing routes law is not a National Assembly law, so there is nothing for the president to implement.

“It is regrettable that the president has not been properly advised by his attorney general and the legal team.

“If anybody will implement any law, it is the states where those routes are applicable that could do so.

“Grazing routes law is not applicable in any state in the southern Nigeria. The southern Nigeria has its own law on cattle.

“It is unfortunate when we have a situation whereby the president of Nigeria is being misadvised by his legal and policy team, for whatever reason it is.

“There has been informed legal opinion on this issue. So there is no federal law regarding grazing routes.

“Even by the allocation of power, under the Nigerian legislation, the National Assembly and by virtue of that, the president does not have power to do anything about grazing routes.

“This is because the management of land in the entire territory of a state, by Section one of the Land Use Act, is vested in the governor.”

There is also another research circulating on social media which says that the cattle routes are mostly in Northern Nigeria and do not affect Southern states.

The author told fellow Nigerians, that following President Buhari’s decision to reclaim all officially gazetted grazing reserves/routes, that he “decided to conduct my own findings as to where exactly these gazzeted cattle routes are located. What I found was rather interesting and I will present it here for the purpose of enlightening the public.”

He said: “My research focused only on the gazzeted cattle routes as that was what PMB said he would reclaim.

Do you know that in the entire south, it is only Oyo State that has 2 gazzeted cattle routes/reserves? The rest don’t have. See below the breakdown of the officially gazzeted cattle routes in Nigeria;

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There are 140 gazetted grazing reserves (Adamawa—31; Bauchi—27; Borno—15; Gombe—4; Jigawa—2; Kaduna—2; Kebbi—1; Kogi—1; Kwara—1; Nasarawa— 7; Niger— 2; Plateau— 1; Sokoto— 8; Taraba—9; Yobe— 17; Zamafara— 6, FCT— 4 and Oyo— 2.

I am not very sure PMB is aware of this distribution. He may be aware that there are gazzeted grazing reserves, but if he now discovers that what is officially gazzeted does not even include almost the entire south, I am not sure he will still pursue the agenda of reclaiming these reserves.

“I also found out that as far back as the time these reserves were created, the committee recommended the adoption of a more sedentary method of cattle rearing or ranching.

In a paper written by S.A. Ingawa, C. Tarawali and R. von Kaufmann, ILCA Subhumid Research Site(1989) available at: https://www.google.com/url sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://cgspace.cgiar.org/bitstream/handle/10568/4349/x5516e.pdf%3FisAllowed%3Dy%26sequence%3D1&ved=2ahUKEwjM99OqvZbxAhXKEWMBHRnaCEEQFjAAegQIAxAC&usg=AOvVaw1y8BFWlPYpvbgFx53pnwIZ, the authors listed some of the problems with open grazing of cattle and the need to implement a solution that is both beneficial to the pastoralists and the farmers.

“The research is an eye opener and also a deep revelation as to how government can indeed resolve any problem if they intend to, with honesty and fairness.

” As for the gazzeted grazing reserves in question, there are only 140 which I have listed. Although, there are some that were never officially gazzeted,  I have excluded them from this post because the focus is on the officially gazzeted ones.”

Unfazed by the controversies he generated the president say he will return to look after his cows. His words: “I have never abandoned my farm. I still have a number of cattle. I will go to my farm daily. I will try to keep myself busy,”

My honest plea to Nigerians is to stay away, stay vigilant and campaign vigorously for the government to prioritize human beings and lives of citizens  much more than cows. Government officials have the legal obligations to take steps to keep Nigerians safe.

The president must not be allowed to continue to give us all kinds of excuses on why Nigerians are killed and who is doing the killings.

The job of the president is to prevent these killings from ever happening and to bring the perpetrators to justice swiftly.  Government must not be permitted to continue to run Nigeria like a ROGUE and police state whereby the lives of Nigerians are sacrificed on the altar of satisfying the needs of private cow owners.

Onwubiko is the head of the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) and was a federal commissioner at the National Human Rights Commission of Nigeria.

 

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Opinion

Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.

The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.

One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?

Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.

That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.

As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.

For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.

Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.

Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.

This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.

Igwe, PhD,  was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.

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Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.

Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.

Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.

Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.

Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Lead City @20: The Past And The Present

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

Our university is now an adult at 20!

About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.

At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.

Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.

In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.

Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.

These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.

Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.

A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.

To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.

Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.

The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.

However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.

The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.

At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.

As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.

Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.

Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.

For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.

. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.

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