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Leadership Ethics Template For Reinventing Akinyele Era Of Civil Service In Nigeria

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How To Revive Public Schools - Tunji Olaopa
Prof. Tunji Olaopa

By Tunji Olaopa

Theophilus Adeleke Akinyele, officer of the order of Niger (OON) and Bobajiro of Ibadanland, was both an exemplary personality and a model public servant. This biographical statement is significant in administrative archiving of the trajectory of the Nigerian administrative history, and this is not just because biographies and autobiographies of eminent public servants and administrators fill some crucial gaps in political and administrative histories of any state. More than this, the biographical statement I began with constitutes a narrative entry point into not only the understanding of what administrative scholars are calling the golden age of Nigeria’s public service system, but also a leeway into understanding how the present rot and decline in the system could be arrested through a thoroughgoing institutional reform that is both backward and forward looking.

Pa Akinyele served humanity all his life. He was an administrator and a fine gentleman. After completing a most exemplary career as a public servant in the old western state and Oyo State, he then served as the registrar at the Obafemi Awolowo University before finally transiting through retirement into consultancy services and then the organized private sector. This distinguished career, and the lessons he learnt as a public servant were collected into his 2002 magnus opus, Beyond Pushing Files. The title alone speaks to the core of what is involved in the recuperation and revitalization of the institutional integrity of the public service in contemporary Nigeria. The nodal strength of the autobiography is that it embodies a contextual exemplification of the historical trajectory of evolutionary insights that led to our understanding of what an effective, efficient and competent public service is. And how we can begin to rethink reinventing it.

Public administration has come a long way. Indeed, it predates the idea of the modern state because it consisted of a body of government officials who are in charge of ensuring the continuity of the administrative mechanism. With the ancient pharaonic society, it was this administrative necessity that facilitated the management of tax collection, the building of the pyramid and the navigation of the River Nile. But what was just a scribal necessity for those who work for the pharaohs, began to achieve the status of a tenured and salaried profession that mediated the famous Roman infrastructures, especially the aqueducts and highways. After the French Revolution of 1789, the loyalty of the civil servants shifted from emperors and monarchs to the state as an administrative unit. These historical developments fed into Max Weber’s theoretical formulation of the shapes and processes of administrative system, especially starting from the Prussian governance and military command structure. This was the basis of his development of the Weberian bureaucratic model.

Government all across the world are defined by three complementary functions: the policy, regulatory and service delivery functions. And these functions are backstopped by an efficient public administration and bureaucratic machinery. It is this efficient system that translates government policies into concrete and tangible development outcomes and dividends that positively affect the well-being of the citizens. However, the operationalization of the public service system in Nigeria comes with both a boon and a bane. On the one hand, the most significant challenge that faced the transplantation of the bureaucratic model to Nigeria, after independence, is that as a migrated structure that emerged within a specific sociocultural context, the civil service system — and the state system as an administrative unit in general — was implanted without the full complement of its underlying value framework that would have grounded its efficiency and effectiveness.

When the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates happened in 1914, the state system was established to facilitate the extractive objective of colonialism. And so, the system could not be grounded in the value foundation deriving from the cultural lifeworlds of the people and societies that make up precolonial Nigeria. The deconstruction of the value foundation of the administrative system becomes even more complicated because public administration experts and scholars all across Africa also failed to harness their expertise in ensuring the reconstruction of the value basis of the public institution in the values and traditions that would have instigated their resilience in assimilating the many sociocultural and political shocks they were bound to confront. And so, the bureaucratic model eventually turned out to be a mere instrument for political intervention and extractive exploitation rather than a tool for real development of the colonies.

On the other hand, however, the pioneer Nigerian public servants inherited fully the founding values and virtues which Weber made the core of the managerial model of public administration, and which the British administrative system further grounded in the Victorian ideals and moral codes founded on gentlemanliness and the imperatives of truthfulness, personal responsibility, and public accountability. These values and moral codes easily translate into an institutional morality in terms of an acute sense of duty and work ethic, noblesse oblige, deferred gratification, and integrity of service. There was also significantly a philosophical underpinning that connects the relationship between the self and service which led to the fascination with knowledge and honor as the key components of professionalism. Talents, competence and hard work combined with moral rectitude, godliness and personal discipline to determine success, well-being and career fulfilment. This moral code and imperatives were further undergirded by the understanding of the bureaucracy as a hierarchical organization functioning as a legal-rational system determined by rules, systems, processes and procedures. That organization is conceived as being neutral, efficient, precise, strict, reliable and very disciplined.

All this is supposed to articulate the understanding of the bureaucracy as a vocational calling that those who must be recruited into it must see as honorable, spiritual and value-based institution that demands their intense commitment and loyalty. For Weber, honor is the sole key that ties a public servant to the dynamics of integrity in the workplace. An honorable public official sees to the execution of a policy to the best of her ability even if she disagrees with the policy choice. This is an honorable act because it demonstrates that the bureaucrat’s sense of duty and of service overrides his personal preferences. Honor also instigates the need for spirituality which is encompassed by the search for meaning and significance that is demonstrated through the public servant’s commitment, trust and dedication to the tenets of professional service. This implies that public service transcends any mechanical sense of transactional business that brings people to the workplace without transforming their well-being. Spirituality characterizes the public servant as a selfless person with a deep sense of deferred gratification that defined the priesthood in the Levitical Order. In the Old Testament, the tribe of Levi, out of all the other tribes of Israel, had to forfeit its inheritance in the promised land in order to be able to adequately consecrate itself to the service of God. The totality of these moral imperatives is what turns the public service into a value-based institution that not only molds the actions and attitudes of the public servants, but also encompasses the democratic codes that transform democratic governance.

A public servant, within this preceding value framework, is defined by three cogent virtues. The first is the virtue of public spiritedness. A public servant is first a servant called into a deep and committed service to others that constitute the public. This makes him or her more than a careerist professional who is solely motivated by personal preferences and the imperatives of making a livelihood. Being a public servant means that one swears fealty to the common good and the public interest. The second administrative virtue that distinguishes the public servant is professionalism grounded on expertise and competence that are earned on meritocratic basis. While public-spiritedness provides the public servant with a broad sense of occupational responsibility as the custodian of the commonwealth, it is professionalism — the occupational framework of professional conduct —that arms the public servant with specialized skills and expertise to perform whatever functions will enable the realization of the objectives of state policy. The third and final administrative virtue is that of leadership. This encompasses public spiritedness and professionalism in ways that make the public servant more than a
mere manager or administrator. This leadership virtue demands that the public servant becomes a transformational, rather than a transactional, change agent with a shared capacity that draws all relevant stakeholders into a framework of collective responsibility that makes the public service an effective and efficient mechanism for delivering public goods that activate democratic governance on behalf of the people and their well-being.

All the preceding enables us to grasp the significance of the emergence of the Nigerian pioneers of the British public service. The need to achieve law and order in the colonies demanded that the British Colonial Office train a cadre of highly skilled, loyal and dedicated public servants to implement the demands of colonial administration. This led to the emergence of the administrative generalist cadre that eventually threw up the early bureaucratic pioneers, from Simeon Adebo to Jerome Udoji to Sule Katagum to Allison Ayida, and from Abdul Aziz Attah to Prince Solomon Akenzua to Francesca Emanuel to Tejumade Alakija to Theophilus Akinyele. These pioneers were saddled with the responsibility of ensuring that the nascent Nigerian state made good on its promise to the teeming Nigerians who believed that independence would bring betterment to them. From Adebo to Akinyele, the administrative pioneers had to sustain the core of the public service as value-based institutions through a commitment to the public service as an honorable vocation that demanded they give their all in making the Nigerian state work.

A critical component of their value training derived from a model of politician-administrator collaboration that facilitates a relationship between the two for developmental progress. There are three models that account for this relationship. The first, legal or traditional model, involves the rare or ideal situation in which the minister/commissioner takes responsibility for policy making while the permanent secretary simply implements. The second model is the adversarial one—dramatized in the popular BBC sitcom, “Yes, Minister,” in which the minister and the public servant are in constant conflict over policy formulation and implementation. The third is the community model that sees both operating under a contractual obligation and therefore being mutually dependent on each other’s responsibilities. This third model might seem the most appropriate, but in reality, the relationship is a mix of the three models, with all the attendant tensions, conflicts and understanding. This is the best way I think one could see the famous Awolowo-Adebo partnership in the old western region, or the Gowon-super permanent secretary partnership during the Nigerian Civil War; a collaboration that benchmarked Nigeria’s glorious era of distinct public administration and governance achievements.

The commitment to institution building in the public service that stood the administrative pioneers out as exemplary public servants include the following: (a) they were exemplary leaders in terms of the integrity they brought to service; (b) the establishment of the Public Service Commission was not just a gatekeeping mechanism to ensure meritocracy, but also a measure of integrity needed in the system; (c) Establishment control, among other internal management mechanisms, mediates the expansion of the size, scope and growth of the service; (d) the town-and-gown/policy-research collaboration facilitated a networked relationship between practitioners and academics in ways that ensured the continuing flow of ideas and innovative reflection about the optimal functioning of the system; (e) the work-life balance complemented the staff development initiatives through housing, pension and other social security schemes to facilitate performance and productivity; and (f) a developmental industrial relations ensured constant consultation that resulted in decent welfare package to improve the condition of service of the workforce.

Unfortunately, all these distinct institutional mechanisms collapsed under the burden of a series of historical and administrative circumstances that consolidated a bureaucratic culture in the public service. Three significant trajectories of events jumpstarted the debilitating process of bureau-pathology in the Nigerian public service system. The first was the attempt to mediate the multiethnic nature of the Nigerian state in recruitment into the public service, and how this framework of representativeness collapsed every effort at achieving meritocracy. The second was the missed opportunity with reforming the entire system through the Udoji Commission report and its recommendation of a performance management system patterned along the imperatives of managerialism. The third and last was the massive purge of the public service in 1975 and the grounding of the culture of instant gratification that displaced that of deferred gratification.
The reform efforts to undermine the virulent effect of bureau-pathology and its terrible consequences for performance and productivity have been varied. The cumulative effort was to transform the system away from the “I-am-directed” bureaucratic culture to a more performance-oriented managerial culture that will instill value and efficiency into the system. There was, for instance a reform to redefine the role of the state in ways that allow for institutional restructuring that makes public-private partnership and other alternative service delivery approaches possible. There were also significant modernization and digitization of core operations of the civil service to eliminate non-value adding processes and to eliminate silos operations, red tapes and other bureaucratic bottlenecks. There were reforms to reengineer the MDAs operating system to hold them to some form of performance accountability using new metrics different from the APER appraisal instruments. This is, so they would be able to deliver measurable outcomes. There was a series of culture change reforms to deepen the value foundation of the service, as well as reforms to resolve capacity deficits through workforce reprofiling and audit, professionalization of cadres, job evaluation rooted regrading and pay reform, systematic injection of staff skills, and the building of new skills within framework of the restoration of merit system and competency-based HRM.

What more needed to be done? To get the public service system in line with the expectation of featuring in the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions, the workforce needs to be re-professionalized within a framework to reform the many reforms. This is the first step in facilitating the emergence of a new breed of public managers competent enough to bring the system into the knowledge society. This is also connected with the need to beef up the IQ through deepening the core skills and competences in project management, data science, evidence-based decision-making, acquisition of legal and regulatory skills rooted in the knowledge of market dynamics, etc. The essence is to achieve the creation of a multidisciplinary elite cadre of senior executive service (SES) that leads the charge in the institutional transformation of the system.

The public service requires a culture change programme that enables the putting in place of the right values enabled by significant frameworks of mental remodeling to help public servants think outside of the box. This will require value audit and cognitive redefinition to increase and improve staff capacity that enables the system to stay centered on leading change sustainably. This must be complemented by significant adjustments in the incentive structure and the entire system of motivation that manages redundancy through a redesign of the job evaluation framework that will instigate performance better. Internal control mechanisms need strengthening to ensure that the systems retain a sustained maintenance, continuous learning and relearning, incremental improvement and organizational resilience in a vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) environment. The public service needs to strengthen its policy-research nexus in ways that professionalize the planning and policy analysis function, deepen action and policy research, as well as achieve adequate talent and knowledge management. Lastly, strengthening the system to handle commercially-centered partnerships like the PPPs must go hand in hand with a larger vision of launching and managing a national productivity movement to reprofile national programmes and project management practices, create a new national waste reduction strategy and maintenance culture. The effort to transform the public service system into a world- class type requires a blueprint that, interestingly, had already been foreshadowed by the generation of Pa Theophilus Akinyele and their capacity to embody the values and virtues that distinguish a public service system as a worthy mechanism around which democratic governance flourishes. And that, I believe, is the legacy of that generation for current public administration in Nigeria.

(Being Excerpt from the Guest Lecture Delivered at the 4th Theophilus & Elizabeth Akinyele Foundation Memorial Symposium held in Ibadan on Thursday, 21st of November, 2024)

Prof. Olaopa is the Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja and Professor of Public Administration .
tolaopa2003@gmail.com

 

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Opinion

Professor Femi Badejo At 70: The Advocacy Of Equity

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

People who are well-grounded in understanding the operations of the universe would quickly tell anyone who cares to listen that life is about words, signs, and symbols. Individuals in this category do not suddenly come to that knowledge midway through their life’s journey but through experiences, exposure, and study.

Regardless of their cultural identity or ideological mindset, everyone would accept that many things that happen in life are circumscribed by universal signs and symbols, which ordinary or inexperienced people may not easily understand. For example, where people are born and the environment where they grow up are vital signs that sometimes determine the trajectory of their life journey.

These things constitute what should be called signs because where we are born, and the environment where we grow up is crucial in shaping a few things in our lives, especially how we see the world or how we socialize in it, leading to the manner of which we negotiate the unfurling activities. More importantly, one’s lifelong destiny is often shaped by confident choices that humans make, especially the choice of what career path to follow or one’s ambition concerning one’s intellectual evolution. Professor Badejo’s signs and symbols of greatness are easily unmasked by his life’s series of activities, especially his career choices. Anyone expert in political science and law should excel in what they do, except if they do not have enough discipline to see themselves through.

The world has long cultivated the habit of celebrating individuals with outstanding contributions to the human world, and it is no coincidence that Professor Badejo falls into this category. The signs have always been there that an individual of his intellectual strength and persuasion cannot but contribute significantly to the straightening of things in a chaotic world, particularly in their conviction that as the world operates today, issues and activities are not orderly or in a right direction to guarantee collective advancement.

It cannot be overemphasized that every moment in human history is always dotted with a fair share of critical problems that often demand outstanding individuals’ precocious ideas and creative ingenuity. Professor Badejo is a shining example of the quest to make the world a better place. His foundation in the legal profession is deliberate, for he understands early enough that people who would dare the devil in today’s global society must understand the operations of their activities and predict human steps. This way, they can make timely decisions that would change the tides of things for the good of everyone. As already implied, the world always faces a fair share of its challenges because there are individuals who are blessed to solve issues using their intellectual strength. As a professor and a professional in legal affairs, Badejo is very grounded in dissecting international issues so that people can have a proper overview of the interplays of power and contestation in the global community. In other words, if you intend to take advantage of the vulnerable systems of the world, people like Badejo would be there, reminding you of the atrocities sparked by the parochialism of your ambitions.

It is exciting to discover that Badejo has profound knowledge of political science, which places him in good condition to understand political figures’ operations, intentions, and inclinations toward whatever actions they embark on. It, therefore, makes it more rewarding for him to use his intellect to redefine public relations through political insights so that the human world will attain progress and sustain the one they have already accomplished. That Badejo has worked in different places, especially in international locations, using his educational insights and professional skills to improve the conditions of the world speaks highly of his dedication to making an indelible impact.

I cannot state enough how vital Badejo has been. As indicated, the signs that he would make such accomplishments exemplify his career choices. While we cannot deny his commitment to such ambitions, we cannot understate how he has dedicated himself to getting the best from his knowledge. We, therefore, cannot undervalue his dedication to academic engagements, as that forms the basis of his intellectual advancement today―one which continues to brighten his life in tremendous ways. At the international level, he has served in different capacities; the summary is that he was either contracted to use his wealth of experience to save the day or use his professional expertise to provoke a change.

His efforts in community development services, especially in his involvement with the international community or non-governmental organizations, have always demanded his intellectual support. This cannot even overshadow his contributions to building the world’s human capital. It is interesting to state that Professor Badejo is a teacher who has made substantial contributions to knowledge generally. Apart from being a seasoned researcher, he has always been dominant in teaching, producing a sizeable fraction of students who underwent tutelage under him. This explains why many people can attest to how profoundly this scholar has redefined how they see the world and the things in life. Teachers hold a good place in our collective lives because they sacrifice very much to mold people’s minds correctly.

Badejo belongs to the class of educators who make incredibly critical efforts to improve Africa. He has painstakingly conducted research to study different issues, especially in areas of political science and, by extension, the legal profession. His success is significant, and he is enthusiastic in his endeavors. I should inform you that although the activity of teaching is conventionally seen as restricted to the four walls of an institution, it, however, transcends such conceptual location; teaching is what we do when we enlighten groups of people, communities of learners, and class of individuals to impact them or provoke them to change socially.

It gets more enjoyable when you know that Badejo has made an invaluable impression on us all with his solid academic publications, from which many of us today learn. In 2024, Badejo published an exemplary work titled Nigeria Corruption Perception Data. Apart from the fact that this work produces an objective overview of how the country is perceived by its citizens and the world generally, it is also an indictment of the political class about how they manage the systems and institutions in the country, thereby affecting Nigeria’s political and economic destiny in some ways. One who knows Badejo knows that such academic engagements increase his adrenaline because it will use his intellectual expertise in that domain and allow him to present his thoughts or ideas to the people. He has consistently revealed to the world the undergarments of Nigeria’s political systems, especially how it has become vulnerable in the hands of the few who control it. In what manner and character does one explain the problems of unbridled leadership compared to how neocolonial Nigerian leaders have particularly (mis)managed the country’s available resources, demonstrating their myopic imagination about the future? Issues like this are always given the necessary attention, and it explains how Badejo addresses fundamental issues, not the periphery.

Perhaps because of his intellectual depth, he has consistently produced respectable works on African democracy, using the Nigerian situation as his experiment laboratory. On many occasions, he has suggested to the political elites that they should make conscious efforts towards transforming Nigeria’s democracy and save it from whatever problems it may face. He takes this position, knowing that it is the freedom highlighted by democracy that is fundamental to the creation of a functional society, which would produce the necessary atmosphere in which people can grow. He understands that although democracy may have internal failings and even complications that could be a threat, especially when mismanaged, it remains the only avenue through which divergent thinking can be amplified so that the best ideas and approaches can be born. Such an individual cannot but be celebrated and even appreciated for their invaluable contributions to the human world. They have paid their dues and thus would always be accorded royal treatment, for their voices remind us of what we should be as a collective and not what our impulses want us to be.

On May 15, 2025, I will offer an in-person tribute and a lecture in his honor.

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Opinion

Natasha As Worthy Rebel

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

Elegant Natasha. Handsome Natasha. Beautiful Natasha. Nice Natasha. Sharp Natasha. Clever Natasha. Natasha the envy of men and women. Natasha of several qualities – above all, Natasha the rebel; Natasha a worthy rebel. Natasha a good patriot that is a worthy patriot. Everything the columnist has just stated or has just outlined or has just highlighted constitutes his interpretation of Senator (Barrister, Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s performance when she appeared before Arise News Good Morning Show on Friday, 28 February, 2025 to throw light on the drama that happened in the Senate a day or so before.

What was the drama on that day really about? What happened in the Senate between her and the Senate President was it really all about her seat re-allocation or re-assignment? Or, was it essentially about something else to entrap her – as she was allegedly told on the floor of the Senate on the afore-mentioned day of drama? The columnist saw everything as shown live on his television set that was privately power-generated (in this power-less or electricity-less clime) from the beginning to the end. The columnist wondered why, just why Natasha reacted the way she did, and why specifically she dared the Senate President the way she did. What was inevitably amiss? Why was/is Natasha claiming everybody’s attention the way she did (and she is still dong)? Why were her fellow senators, more than several of the male senators, I mean, flowing to her in her river of rebellion against the standards of the Senate that must be kept up? Was it because even if she was right in her classical democratic rebellion of a loner, it was necessary that the prestige of the great senators and that of their equally great but almighty President who is not more than first among equals should not be allowed to dwindle? And why was the Senate President so stupefied when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan brandished Order 10 several times as she rebelliously but decorously stood her ground, grounds or no grounds? Did the Senate President at any time try to have a bite or a taste of Natasha’s inviting stupefacient something that had caused him the stupefaction I was allowed personally to notice by the inner master on that day that the rebellious one knocked him to stupor – or to a state of near-stupor before his like-minded senators came to his rescue? All these questions are significant ones (or must be significant ones) for all those who desire to find a factual and truthful solution to what is growing to be a pattern of values between the Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator (Mrs.) Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the very wife of Mr. Godswill Akpabio’s good friend (or now erstwhile good friend?).

On Saturday, 29 February, 2025, that is, almost a week ago, I read entirely on pages 10-12 of Saturday Vanguard details of the Natasha Uduaghan-Godswill Akpabio problem and other proclamations, claims and counter-claims, including Natasha’s full interview she granted Arise News Good Morning Show which I had already alluded to. Natasha answered more than very satisfactorily all the questions put to her concerning the following: “allegations by a northern group”; “harassment of clerk and requests for CVs of staff”; “how the sitting arrangement issue started”; “denial of rights”; and “the night-cub incident.” My assertion(s) to each of her every answer is clearly clear and transparently transparent, and brings me to this conclusion: A highly brilliant and sharp female senator; a highly valuable, worthy, no nonsense female senator that Senator (Drs. Mrs.) Remi Tinubu, our President’s dear, dear wife, who is equally bright and brilliant, needs in her core team of patriots to help make our country reach its rightful destination. But I have no persuasive influence whatever upon her to make her see Natasha as I see her – or as I am seeing her. Yet I should tell her as the inner master tells me to say to her what I am now saying to her. Natasha certainly has her foibles – like all human-beings, including our one and only Godswill Akpabio. Her foibles, however, pale into nothing or insignificance in comparison with her positively rebellious bent and manner.
Since the matter between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senator Godswill Akpabio entered our television screens and newspapers and everywhere outside the main-stream media the Senate President has not deemed it right to claim our attention with at least one important line of defence from his own persuasive mouth. Why? Others, some of whom claim to be activists (activists my foot!) have been speaking for him. Why? If he does not want to say anything he should instruct his hangers-on, including his lawyer(s), his acolytes and cohorts and sycophants, and Natasha’s back-stabbers in the Senate, to keep mum until the brouhaha stills itself, evaporates and vanishes. But will it? I don’t think so until he transparently opens his line of persuasive rebuttal himself.

By the way, why did his wife, his damsel (who, like Natasha, is an impeccable communicator), come into the fray? What for? I saw her on television trying to persuade people like us in vain. After all said and done I exclaimed to myself “What for?” in the trope of a question. She said several things which I, as a literary detective and gleaner, punctured. I will only mention one or two here. (After all, I am not Natasha’s lawyer as I am not Unoma’s lawyer). She said, among other things, that no woman or women ever complained against her disciplined darling husband as a governor or minister – if I heard her well. I chuckled. No woman or women who succumbed to the sheets-whims-and-caprices of her darling governor- or minister- husband would complain openly or in loud silence to Unoma or to anyone for that matter close to Unoma. I put this to Unoma as a literary gleaner who is ever objective come rain or sunshine. Secondly, her open swipe at Natasha’s husband has drawn the very decent man who cannot hurt a fly out of his refined shell. I am sure that she and her disciplined husband have since seen and read the mature and refined letter of the highly cultured Alema of the very beautifully great Kingdom of Warri, the envy of many kingdom-less kingdoms, on what has been that shouldn’t have been.

There are other things I want to say but which I am nicely holding back as a top Niger Delta personage. What I can do best is to immerse myself in my own quiet way on how to bring this matter to a good and transparent end. The Senate President and the Alema of Warri must meet to resolve the knot in the favour of their friendship and that of the people of the whole of the Niger Delta and beyond. The situation needs to be remedied. I know how, but I won’t open my mouth wide here. For the time being, however, Natasha, our worthy rebel, needs to be appeased with appeasable appeasement by appeasers agreeable to the parties and all the parties in our Niger Delta and the Confluence State and beyond. I hope I am not building castles in Spain. Phew!

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

IBB In The Annals Of Civil Service Reforms In Nigeria

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Prof. Tunji Olaopa

By Tunji Olaopa

The autobiography is a most delicate, complex and indeed disruptive art form. It is the autobiographer’s authorial insistence to be heard in terms of his or her narrative addition to a historical discourse. In fact, it is the autobiographer’s narration of the historical event from his or her own perspective. And more often than not, when the autobiographer is a fundamental participant in the event, the complexities of that event and the circumstances surrounding it are multiplied. Only very few autobiographies enjoy global approval. And that is because the art form is seen as an ego trip. That sentiment is summed up by the English biographer, Humphrey Carpenter: “Autobiography is probably the most respectable form of lying.” This is even made worse if the protagonists are critical individuals whose lives have affected national trajectories. General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) is one such critical protagonist, and his autobiography has arrived.

A Journey in Service has since started generating lots of furors in all strata of the Nigerian public space, online and offline. Lots of opinions have tied IBB to several significant historical moments in Nigeria, especially the annulment of the June 12 elections, and the demise of MKO Abiola. What many have conveniently glossed over, and a case I have consistently made, is that personal narrative in the forms of autobiography and memoirs serve a unique function in terms of their historical import. If A Journey in Service had not been written, we will all be gasping within the yawning silence of the political and administrative gaps that ought to have been filled with whatever the autobiographer has to say. But now it has been written, and we can then commence the journey of unraveling how the narrative fits or fails to fit in with the existing accounts of Nigeria’s political development.
This personal narrative has a critical import for me as a historian of Nigeria’s administrative and reform trajectories. The Babangida administration played a very fundamental role in articulating a significant portion of Nigeria’s administrative reform architecture. And so, that portion of the trajectory, and the entire institutional reform agenda of the Nigerian state, will not be complete without adding the voice and perspective of the key protagonist to the understanding of how the reform policy emerged. No matter what anyone thinks, the imperative of national history demands that such an account be added to the stock of what we already know, and to flesh out a better understanding of what we already know. The idea therefore is to see how the protagonist, no matter the groundswell of national opinion for or against him, fits into a larger picture of the political and administrative frameworks that enable us to see where the nation is coming from and where it is headed.

This is a task every institutional reformer must long for without getting sidetracked by sentimental opinion that accords blame and slings mud. This is part of what makes IBB and A Journey in Service such a delight for me. Unfortunately, the head of the historic administration does not consider that irreducible reform agenda that distinguishes his administration so significantly as to celebrate its conception, elements and operation, as well as its limitations, in a significant autobiography. That responsibility has been passed to posterity. This piece rescues that fundamental omission.

The pre-Babangida administrative reform narrative must always revert back to the 1974 Udoji Commission. That Commission is singular because it was the first to attempt an alignment between Nigeria’s reform efforts and the emerging managerial revolution in public administration across the globe. The Udoji Commission took its immediate inspiration from the Lord Fulton Committee of 1968 in Britain. The task of the Fulton Report was to inquire into the capability readiness of the British civil service to confront the modern British society and its technological complexity. Fulton’s most significant recommendation was the displacement of the cult of generalist amateur civil servants in an approaching administrative dispensation that requires a critical mass of new managers who possess the professionalism and specialist expertise to harness the talents needed to make the civil service economic, effective and efficient.
By the time the Udoji Commission was inaugurated, Nigeria had also reached the critical juncture where it became imperative to ask whether the Weberian assumptions underlying the British administrative legacy were capable of tackling the urgent governance requirement of a postcolonial society. The wage impasse which the system had been confronting before independence, for the Commission, was a symptom of a deeper administrative malady represented by a bureaucratic culture that had arrested innovation and entrepreneurial creativity in the analysis and implementation of policies. Managerialism therefore provides the most timely and perfect means of making the civil service system align with the goals of national development.

The Udoji Commission went on to leverage the global good practice of the time that calls for a new style of public service that deploys new management techniques of Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS), Management by Objectives (MBO), the precursor of what is today called the performance management system, project management system, among others, that were totally alien to the Nigerian public service, at the time. The new management architecture that the envisioned management system would have institutionalized would obviously have been inadequate but would have laid a critical substructure that would have set Nigeria on the new productivity paradigm that assisted Malaysia, Singapore, the Asian Tigers and many other developing countries that are within Nigerian global ranking at the time.

The most devastating blows that the civil service suffered were those created not by it but the governance tradition that militarism and “New Federalism” of the post-civil war years created where the rigorous analytical frame that governed development investment got replaced with the unreflective “with immediate effect” command and control governance tradition which created huge process, policy, capacity, performance and resource gaps. The Udoji Commission and its limitations, as well as the succeeding Phillips and Ayida Commissions, could be understood only within this military tradition of which IBB was a significant part. When he assumed office in 1985, one of the most immediate decisions was, according to his admission, the need to “strengthen the practice of the presidential system with clear economic, political, and social reforms to strengthen the nation as a constitutional democracy based on the presidential system.” Assuming the title of a “President” was therefore more than a mere nominal gesture to narcissism. Rather, he said, it was “a summation of our consensus on the need to preserve and strengthen the presidential system and make it work better for the nation.”

But a nominal title was not enough. A commitment to the presidential system, IBB insisted, defined the necessity of “structuring a reform programme around institutions to make it work.” And given the tension that already was prevalent in the heated polity, IBB surmised, the reforms that must make any significance must be as comprehensive as the administration could make it. And the first act of symbolic gesture was negative: the urgency of the need “to review the various draconian decrees, convictions, and pending cases that bordered on human rights violations.” The Exchange Control (anti-sabotage) Decree 7 and Decree 4 (Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation) had to be significantly reviewed. This was followed by the real positive task of reforming the economy and governance in ways that go beyond “knee-jerk populist reflexes.”

The task, in governance and economic terms, was therefore to “Remove the government from the role of an enormous money changer to that of an enabler of the appropriate economic environment. We also needed to let the economy, in general, breathe more freely.” It was to liberalize the economy and make government an able enabler rather than occupying the ‘commanding heights of the economy.”

Unfortunately for us all, IBB fails to dwell on what could have been a defining dimension of A Journey in Service, the civil service reform framework of the Babangida administration. This is shocking but revealing in itself. One possible reason is that the author subsumed the civil service reform under the broader political reforms: “Our political programme targeted the critical areas of political and socio-cultural restructuring highlighted by the Political Bureau report: the party system, the electoral process, including election administration, the federal structure, the civil service, and the problem of succession, including political leadership.”

And yet, this fails to do justice to the significance of the Babangida administration and its inheritance of the Dotun Philips Commission from the Buhari-Idiagbon administration. The Phillips Study Team is significant because it had the task of re-organizing the operations of the civil service in terms of professionalism that will eventually align it with the managerial revolution recommended by Udoji. And that reform effort alone cements his administration’s significance in the annals of administrative history in Nigeria, and a fundamental contribution to the cumulation of reform knowledge in Nigeria. IBB already gave the significant intellectual basis of the restructuring that was an imperative: to achieve “national rebirth and future greatness,” there is a need for political and economic restructuring that frees up the national space for transformation. And one way to do this, according to him, was cultivate intellectuals: “We needed the input of intellectuals to enlighten the business of government.” There was also the crucial need for the public service as the engine of government business. It beats me how IBB did not see that.

The Dotun Philips Study Group was constituted by the Buhari-Idiagbon administration in 1985, with the objective of undertaking an interrogation of the structure, mode of operation and strategy of the civil service in the light of contemporary administrative situation, as well as finding means by which the eroded professionalism of the system could be restored. After the 1985 coup, Babangida inherited the study group and transformed it into a full-blown commission whose task was to keep up with the objective of aligning the spirit of managerialism and a professionalized civil service with the form and spirit of presidentialism. This was to be incorporated into the total package of the Civil Service Reforms through a Civil Service Reorganisation Decree No. 43 of 1988. Given the administration’s concern with the rigid Soviet-styled centralization of the economy and the need to open the economy up to market forces, it was only logical that the administration would adopt the critical managerial principle of letting managers manage by having greater control on critical resources. This possesses the capacity to inspire a wholesale decentralization of the HRM function to MDA. The policy choice here is between centralized resource governance for example where the civil service commission wields constitutional powers for recruitment, promotion and discipline exercised at top management levels by the Commission while delegating the powers to MDAs at middle to lower levels.

The Philips reform was compromised essentially because (a) it took the issues involved in professionalism too far (for instance, by attempting to make a professional out of everybody within the civil service); and (b) its own unique managerial thrust was directed towards integrating the civil service into the presidential system of government, with one unintended consequence being that professionalization turned into politicization through an attempt, for instance, that turned an administrative post (permanent secretary) into a political one (director-general). And yet, this is not a failure because it was a logical reform complement to the short-circuited Udoji Commission recommendation of a public service founded on performance management, and its underlying managerial philosophy was significant in getting the Babangida administration its governance template for transforming national development.

I insist that an administration is only as good as its reform agenda, both in design and implementation. The Babangida administration gave Nigeria’s reform trajectory one of the key moments in the protracted attempt to translate the gains and efficiencies of a managerial opportunity to a bureaucratic system.

. Olaopa is a Professor of Public Administration and Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission .

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