Opinion
Lepa Or Orobo? Lookery And Women’s Body Parts
Published
2 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
Afrobeats by the new generation of musicians can be reduced in its lyrics to money, women and sex. If you have money, the other two can follow. If you don’t have money, Habeeb Olalomi Oyegbile, the indomitable Mr. Portable, alias Dr. Zeh, husband of Motunde, daughter of Mr. Macaroni, advised you to do the money ritual. I have already located the person I want to use for the ritual, Mr. Portable himself, but he has to lead me to the “ritualizer”, and I can walk back home by myself with a trailer of money driving behind me.
The Afrobeat videos are about marketing women’s bodies, matching the slim and the big to produce a forest of elegant bodies in multiple dress colours. Sexy ladies with banging bodies. The choreography is amazing, jazzy, seductive, and romantically satanic. The music leads you to the examination of body parts: her mouth is small and well-rounded for the “job,” the blow job near the fence; her “back” is an asset, big enough to cause commotion on the streets; her hips are wide enough to carry a man’s child; and her breasts are milk factories. Rest your head between the breasts, and you will fall asleep within seconds. Her body cools a man’s high blood pressure from 200/130 to the normal range of 120/80.
In drinking places, hardly a woman passes by without a comment, some very printable as “her buttocks are good,” “her boobs are firm/standing,” “that girl’s butt is ‘watery’,” “What a defence at the back and attack in the front!”. Omo tan sibe—(the babe is ‘complete’), Eru Aya (chest load). And disagreement follows: she is too big, she is too short, she is too lean, she is too fat. Women’s bodies are the subject of conversations in the public domain. Lookery has reached the level of criminality without laws to proclaim it as a crime. Don’t Seun-Kuti mi o for slapping me in public, abeg.
WhatsApp has created a stadium where the best sport is not soccer but jokes about women—too many of them for comfort. The current depiction borrows women’s looks from Mr. Macaroni’s comedy—the hip must be big, the back must be bigger, and the front must be heavy. Oin! You are doing well!! Give me your account number!!!
No more gist! You don’t have to open your eyes to see what I mean. Let me turn what you know to what you don’t know: body positivity. How do you tolerate those you don’t like, accept those you dislike; and what emotional crimes are you committing by calling a woman ugly or fat? And what serious charges of deadly sins await you in heaven for abusing God’s creation?
Maybe I am hitting you too hard. Forgive me. In a world of social media, TV and the internet, it is arduous not to be attached to or influenced by the information flowing around. The type of content presented on people’s screens and the thoughts behind its selection leave audiences with ideas of what might be popularly acceptable. But while the concept of body positivity cannot be said to have started after the media revolution, it is bound to it in a cause-and-effect relationship.
The body positivity movement is often traced to the late 1960s efforts of author Llewellyn Louderback and fellow activist Bill Fabrey to alter the narratives surrounding fat people. Fat people were crucified then and even now. Fabrey had been inspired by Louderback’s article on the American diet culture and collaborated with him on forming the National Association to Aid Fat Americans, later renamed the National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance (NAAFA). But even as the group was committed to delivering on its objectives, a trait reflected in its over half a century of existence, some members preferred that it took a more aggressive posture.
And in line with this, The Fat Underground was established. It was founded by Sara Aldebaran and Judy Freespirit, two Los Angeles women discontented with the narratives surrounding mental health treatment and fat people. Initially, both joined NAAFA because of its stance on anti-fat stereotypes. When the leadership, however, began to request that they soften their militant attitudes in public commentary, it became less habitable, and they eventually had to split. Thus, The Fat Underground evolved into a movement recognized for its confrontational approach to challenging medical and wider societal perspectives around bodily weight and was perhaps most popular for their work, “Fat Liberation Manifesto”. I can be certain that most Nigerians are unaware of this manifesto. Neither do Nigerians care about the stereotypes they use routinely on street corners. Sisi Quadri, a superstar comedian of insults and mockeries, will win a medal for his extreme words on bodily parts.
As a term, body positivity gained ground in discourses in the 1990s. In 1996, a group called The Body Positive was founded by a writer who suffered from an eating disorder in her teenage years and a medical specialist whose work involved the treatment of the same. With the onset of social media came a corresponding growth in communities focused on having conversations about how people saw their bodies. These comprised marginalized elements like black women, fat people, the LGBTQIA+ community, and differently-abled individuals.
Today, the concept of body positivity has become popular, with its application often exceeding the groups that originally instituted it. The rise of social media apps like Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok has massively influenced notions of self and the consequent reactions among people. Among no other can the contents of these platforms be said to have taken hold than members of the younger generation, a demographic whose social existence is linked inextricably to the digital world.
It is not unusual to find endless images promoting a certain body type on video-sharing applications above others. In European, American and Asian cultures, these are often people with measured, slim figures. In Africa, females with hourglass bodies are generously endowed by metrics the society uses in gauging physical appeal. And different though the ecosystems might be, the message rings clear to viewers consuming such content – these body types are the trend, and social acceptance lessens for those who do not possess them. However, digital media is merely a reflection of societal norms. While it is certainly an amplifier, it simply mirrors the ideals passed around daily.
For instance, it is not uncommon for orobo, the plump women, to be given pride of place in African cultures. The same applies beyond the continent where EurAsians favour the lepa, the petite and even extend this to fashion magazine covers and criteria for determining marital eligibility. That NAAFA and The Fat Underground emerged at a time when contemporary media was nonexistent is also an indication of this.
My Nigerian friends and enemies, your lookery and comments have destroyed too many lives. The effect of popular perceptions of ideal bodies is that it forces women who, more often than not, are on the receiving end of stereotypes to indulge in habits that may not be particularly healthy for them. They bleach their skins for you because you want them light or yellow. Because you want big breasts, they put fufu inside the bra! As you demand big buttocks, they look for foam and discarded tires to augment the sizes. You want long hair, forcing them to wear wigs. Comments by men and women have turned many ladies into artificial creatures—heavy make-up transforms the looks so that the person you see in the morning is not the same in the afternoon. Undress! The face is reddish, the neck is pink, the chest is orange, and below the waist is black. Same person, seven colours: a rainbow coalition of ugliness moving from Ikorodu to Toyin Street in the cover of darkness in search of invested bats and owls. I pity your Mama. Even those with facial marks pancake them, so you cannot recognize them. On the streets, they look gorgeous; in private, they look unattractive.
In adjusting to stereotypes and labels, some women’s crises include eating disorders, muscle loss, weak metabolism, and nutritional deficiencies. It takes a turn for the worse when individuals with prior medical vulnerabilities also engage in weight loss routines. Furthermore, there is scepticism as to whether some of the ingestible such as cleansers used in driving weight loss are scientifically viable solutions. The controversy surrounding these intakes is, in a way, relatable to The Fat Underground’s notions of mystified oppression.
Under this mantra, the movement believed that medical professionals at the time put their mental health patients through procedures that they were not exactly savvy about. Rather, the approach of psychologists and other specialists involved victim blaming and rationalizing painful processes with the argument that they were necessary. The movement was also emphatic about reexamining the submissions of health experts, frequently accusing them of solidifying social sentiments about fat people by painting them as excessively consummate. Today, the conversation has expanded to include restructuring the narratives.
Corporations strictly incentivized by the need to make profits are now fingered as culprits in commercializing the body positivity movement. Given that pragmatic undertones remorselessly shadow them, it is not difficult to see why the motives for actions such as including characters with more diverse body sizes in fashion media are easy to doubt. Indeed, the global weight loss and diet management market size was valued by the most conservative estimates at a tad under 200 billion dollars in 2021, with projected growth from around less than 300 billion dollars to over 400 billion dollars between 2027 and 2028.
This is not the only problem of the 21st-century body positivity movement. Aside from conflicts on the inclusion of other minority groups, it also suffers appropriation from people who would ordinarily be deemed regular members of society. The forms that this takes include posts on social media by slim people captioning their loss of a few ounces of fat with the body positivity or bopo hashtag. Others situate their desire to flaunt their sexual appeal through revealing clothes in the #bopo campaign without understanding its foundational intents.
Time to fight back! Still, conflicts or not, it can be argued that a fundamental theme in this is a drive to restructure power dynamics. Typically, definitions of what women’s bodies should look like to be seen as appealing are not untraceable to males. And for this reason, the proponents of positivity have not made it a bare request to democratize views of women’s anatomy; they are intent on downsizing their propelling hulk, masculinity. This does not mean men are not envisioned as participants in the #bopo movement. A fraction of men has been cited as susceptible to eating disorders and images of how an ideal man should look.
However, due to the emotional resolve expected of men, they feature more in the background than on the centre stage. It is also impossible to apply the same yardstick for describing the rebelliousness in #bopo to men. This is because the same stereotypical factors that limit their involvement would naturally also be stumbling blocks in any protest. Notwithstanding, experiences in the transgender community differ vastly from those with predefined labels. The incidence of stigma and social biases imply that talks of body positivity carry heavier weight among people who are not immediately accepted by society for who they are. Thus, the idea allows people to boldly confront inward and external denial, forging a refined self-image.
Shockingly, women are at the centre stage, judging what an ideal woman’s body must look like. More than men, the pressure and snide remarks from fellow women have driven women to do unhealthy things or go through dangerous procedures just to fit in. Women starve themselves under the disguise of dieting to lose weight, while others use various supplements and weight gain products to add weight to look desirable to men and get nice comments from fellow women. Different standards and trends are set mostly by women to prove their womanhood. So much for women supporting women. It is amazing, however, to see that the modelling industry, especially in Western countries, has begun to accommodate women of various sizes, forms, shapes and heights.
Can we rethink Nigerian society? I plead. Criticisms of the positivity movement have centred around the likelihood that it might promote unhealthy dietary habits rather than encourage people to fix them. Specifically, a primary argument along this line is that it could spur comfort in obesity. Another criticism is that it inspires people to assume confidence they do not feel. There is the possibility that people exposed to lots of body-positive messages may bear a burden to developing adulterated confidence in their physique.
You are getting bored reading this and need to use your make-up. Before I run away from your anger at my uncomfortable revelations, let Bishop Toyin Falola reflect on a Biblical passage:
“So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them.” Genesis 1:27:
Man in the passage also refers to women; God created us in His image, whether you are a lepa or orobo. A commonly touted way to fill the gaps in positivity is body neutrality. It focuses on the body’s utility rather than magnified attempts at settling into it. The essential feature of neutrality is that it proposes a different approach to accepting one’s body. By recommending activities that inherently mandate an appreciation of physical qualities, its method distances from the external influences in the #bopo movement. My good women, thank God for how He has made you and avoid self-destruction. Sing along with me:
I will praise thee; for I am fearfully and wonderfully made: marvellous are thy works; and that my soul knoweth right well. My substance was not hid from thee, when I was made in secret, and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth. Psalm 139: 14-15
My spiritual message does not encourage unhealthy lifestyles like poor diet, lack of exercise, poor hygiene and care of the body. Body positivity does not excuse carelessness and allowing anything into your body. If you are obese because of your eating pattern, watch it and seek help instead of chanting, “I love my body. #selflove.” Same as one who is underweight: lepa is good but can be disastrous if self-inflicted. And if you plan to enter the Guinness Book of Records for “Best in Lepa,” go, girl! You can do whatever you put your mind to. Be sure to make Mama proud.
Finally, believe in how African ancestors have resolved the issue: promote inner beauty, not the external one, the Iwalewa. Your character and values will get you everything you want, not your bleaching cream, size 45 breasts, buttock enlargement, and Brazilian-made wigs. And learn to smile, as it is worth more than your size 48 Chinese cup.
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Opinion
Afe Babalola And Dele Farotimi: On Justice, A Just Society And The Nigerian State
Published
5 hours agoon
December 22, 2024By Tunji Olaopa
The feud between elder statesman, Chief Afe Babalola and civil rights activist, Mr. Dele Farotimi, is perhaps the most significant discourse that postcolonial Nigerian state has thrown up for the moment, one in a class of those grand defining disputations that surely will gather dust which will take some time to abate. And it is one case that is fraught with all sorts of legal, jurisprudential, moral and political traps and complexities that speak to more than the trivial interventions—leveraged around the David and Goliath motif—that are attending the matter. Those who have been able to go beyond the surface of the case will agree that it goes to the very foundation and founding of the Nigerian society, and the fundamental objective of crafting a good and just society for Nigerians. That the issue revolves around the dispensation of justice immediately alerts us to the deep insinuation about the idea of social justice itself, and how the conception of fairness could be written into the very fabric of the Nigerian society. And yet, the complexity of the case is what makes it a case that is too critical for a public servant like me to dabble in.
(Un)fortunately, my intellectual maturation, my political science education and my professional endeavor in institutional reform advocacy have prepared me to intervene in this critical matter. I have always been involved with Nigeria, and with reflective thoughts about how to reconstitute her greatness. Three learning encounters with three world-historic icons configured my passion for wanting to see that Nigeria becomes a state we all can be proud of. The first came from my reading of Plato’s Republic. There is a reason that the entire treatise commenced with the question, what is justice? Justice was a fundamental issue in the decline of the ancient Athenian democracy that allowed Socrates to be judicially murdered. The second learning derived from Wole Soyinka’s dense prison memoir, The Man Died. And like most who have read it, Soyinka was troubled by the idea of justice: “For me, justice is the first condition of humanity.” By the time I would be coming to Thomas More’s Utopia, I was already apprised of the connections between my political science education, my professional endeavor as a public servant, and the key elements of institutional reform as a cogent framework for transforming Nigeria.
From Plato to Soyinka, we have a trajectory of political reflection that takes justice seriously as the basis for organizing a just society. This is part of the intellectual frameworks for my undergraduate and graduate studies at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. In one of those explosive seminar classes that played some fundamental role in my intellectual maturation in the graduate school, I had proposed an argument through a seminar paper titled: “Is a revolution an option to fix Nigeria?” The topic was meant to titillate the collective yearning for revolution that would serve as the ultimate mechanism for social change that would flush off all traces of corruption and degeneration in postcolonial Nigeria. Revolutions seem to possess some allure for the masses because they constitute a framework of justice that the constitutional justice mechanism might not be able to handle.
However, as Wole Soyinka, Thomas More, Martin Luther and even Galileo Galilei would realize, the need for radicalism is balanced by the force of establishment orthodoxy. The Nigerian predicament has, as a fundamental foundation, a lot to do with the connection between governance failure and injustice in terms of the persistent and protracted class strife between the haves and the have-nots, between the rich and the poor, indeed, in the final analysis between the government and the governed. And in the case between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi, the issues boil down to the administration of justice and the entire edifices and institutions of social justice and the rule of law in Nigeria. And so, in outlining the key issues involved in the matter, we must be careful enough to read between the lines and the noises of analysts who are eager to queue behind their favored protagonists.
First things first. Let us remove the surface debris. Indeed, and in this case, the debris points us in the direction to look for the rot within the matter. First, there is the matter of civil defamation and its legal ramifications. And second, there is the issue of the legal and moral protocols involved in dealing with the pursuit of redress by someone who knows and understands the law. Barrister Farotimi has a legal right to seek redress in court. Chief Babalola has a legal right to defend his reputation in court. In raising the specter of legal prosecution against defamation, I see Chief Babalola as being at the forefront of gatekeeping the legal establishment in terms of what is and is not permissible or possible under the law and its conservative tenets. If you are hurt or an injustice has been done to your person, then the best place to seek redress is not the court of public opinion but the constitutional legal establishment.
Unfortunately for him, Barrister Farotimi’s book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, impugns the entire legal and judicial establishment up to its apex institution, the Nigerian Supreme Court. However, does radicalism preclude moral decency? A book could be written and allegations made without the complement of atrocious language. Or maybe the rot in the judicial system, and the need for a revolution preclude any niceties, especially with those who are allegedly at the forefront of perpetuating and protecting the rot. But then, how to prove what we all consider to be the norm in terms of legal prosecution of judicial corruption remains a hanging question.
No matter how we look at what we are calling the surface debris, we are redirected deeper and deeper into what lies beneath the surface. The ultimate question is that between Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi, what we are asked to contend with is the state of the Nigerian judiciary and the corrupt impediment of social justice, especially for an average Nigerian. What Barrister Dele Farotimi said about the Nigerian judicial system is not new. We are all familiar with the rot within the system. Indeed, this is not the first time an alarm would be raised about what we are all familiar with. Indeed, as far back as 1999, The News magazine carried a most unsalutary headline, “Crooks on the Bench: An Expose on the Rot in the Judiciary.” The magazine headlined the names of 47 judges indicted for judicial corruption. What is new is that Dele Farotimi dared to go so far as to mention specific names, and to confront the big players in the legal establishment. And he did this in a most scurrilous manner targeted at getting maximum traction and attention. It is as if Mr Farotimi, through the public sphere, is throwing the gauntlet to every Nigerian and challenging us on our collective responsibility to clean the Augean stable.
If Barrister Farotimi cannot prove his allegations in court, it would not mean that his charges are false. It might only imply that the system which is supposed to guarantee justice has become too corruptly dense to achieve its mandate. But there is also the chance that since the entire judicial system cannot be tarred so broadly with the same brush, Farotimi’s allegation might receive a dispassionate hearing that might deliver justice as we expect it. This might be a tall expectation. Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament has inevitable consequences on the capacity of the judicial system to facilitate the delivery of justice. And this failure also complicates the capacity of the Nigerian state to deliver on its social contract to Nigerians. This is what makes the Babalola-Farotimi case too complex to be decided either in the constitutional court or the court of public opinion. The burdens of postcolonial disruptions that the Nigerian judiciary system carries are enormous: judicial corruption, miscarriage of judgments, executive lawlessness, delayed trial due to insufficient infrastructure, financial dependence on the executive arm of government.
To outline the fundamental challenges of the judicial system in Nigeria this way is not to give in to cynicism and a deterministic mindset that we might be caught in a vice that is inescapable. It is simply to say that the ongoing uproar between the two dramatis personae demonstrates that the court has been given a chance to reflect on the role that (in)justice plays in the fundamental understanding of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament and the capacity of a democratic system to correct itself. When Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi are given their day in court, we will have no choice but to trust that same judicial system to deliver unbiased judgment no matter our misgivings about how objective and untainted that judgment could be. This is just a way of saying that though our judicial system is not perfect; it is still the best that we have.
The last words on this reflection on the connection between the ongoing feud between Babalola and Farotimi and Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament must be given to Haile Sellasie, former emperor of Ethiopia: “Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted; the indifference of those who should have known better; the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most; that has made it possible for evil to triumph.”
Olaopa is the Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission,Abuja, and Professor of Public Administration.
tolaopa2003@gmail.com
By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
NEW TIMES CULTURE
Afe Babalola And Dele Farotimi: On Justice, A Just Society And The Nigerian State
Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia
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