Opinion
Mkar And Chrisland Universities: On The Need For Private Universities
Published
1 year agoon
By Toyin Falola
I had the distinct privilege of delivering convocation lectures at two private universities (University of Mkar, Benue State, and Chrisland University, Abeokuta) this October. These engagements provided me with a unique opportunity to interact with various stakeholders, including the students, esteemed faculty members, the institutional council, and the distinguished board of directors. These visits served to reaffirm the pivotal role that private universities play in the ongoing process of educational reform in Nigeria. Of course, I cannot pretend not to know the various criticisms and shortcomings.
A solid education sector is a staple of any developed nation, and for us as a developing nation, it is a pressing need. While our education at the primary and secondary levels is far from perfect, education at the tertiary level in Nigeria faces more peculiar challenges. In recent years, we have witnessed the rise of several privatized tertiary education providers working in an attempt to tackle these challenges. This rise, however, has not been without heated public discourse, with millions of Nigerians on either side. One side sees no merit in the education provided by private universities, while others believe they are very needed in the context of Nigeria’s higher education sector today.
The arguments against them are not many, but they deeply resonate with those who believe in them. The most notable criticisms against public schools centre on the high cost of school fees, quality of learning, and the equipping or preparedness that private schools give their students for life after school or “the real world”. More elaborately, many Nigerians argue that the level of school fees typically associated with these schools is unreasonable and unrealistic in the Nigerian context, insisting that they are purely profit-driven. Another small subset of Nigerians insists that the quality of the curricula in private universities pales in comparison to government-funded universities.
The last but the most common argument asserts that private universities do not prepare their students for the real world. Owing to unproven allegations that private university lecturers are not as demanding, or processes are a lot more straightforward, or evidenced by the occasionally seemingly unusual high number of first-class graduates they produce, most Nigerians conclude that private universities are inferior to their government-funded counterparts. It is alarming to have many first-class in many of these private universities.
But do these arguments really hold water? Does the fact that they produce more first-class graduates than public universities mean they are not good enough, or perhaps it just means they grade students more fairly? And for all the structure, ease, and advanced organization that comes with a private university education, are not the school fees, although costly, a little justified? Perhaps all these are not even the right questions to ask. To those who are public education activists, the most important question I would like to ask is, can the Nigerian educational sector even sustainably survive without private education?
Let’s start with a little tour through history. As of 1999, there were only three private universities in Nigeria: Igbenidion University in Edo state, Madonna University in Anambra, and Babcock in Ogun state. By 2020, that number had risen to 79. You don’t get that kind of surge in private universities unless there is demand for it. And that’s the point: demand. The demand for private higher education shows that there are deeply worrying flaws or challenges plaguing the public education sector. Challenges that the government has failed to address after several years. It is on this basis that the need for private universities can be safely established.
Starting with the most obvious challenge: Strike Actions. Strike actions by Nigerian public universities academic and non-academic members of staff are so endemic that jokes about the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) striking more than thunder are very rife amongst the populace. The most recent strike in 2020 lasted for about 10 months. 10 months! With incessant strike actions like this unpredictably but regularly punctuating the school calendar, it would be near impossible, even miraculous, for any students in a public university in Nigeria to graduate according to the normal duration of their courses of study. What makes this occurrence so unfortunate is the fact that although strikes occur solely because of a struggle between the university staff and the government, the biggest victims are always the innocent students. These delays can cause students to graduate as much as 3 years later than they were originally intended to. Of course, the duty is of the government and relevant authorities to provide and satisfy the feasible needs of the staff, but when we argue from the angle of the students, would it be too much to provide more options for those that can afford them?
With unreasonable delays like this affecting the lives of students, it would be irresponsible to suggest that Nigeria’s education sector does not need alternative options. With a private university education, you are guaranteed to graduate at the time you ought to. And that is a reasonable step in the right direction. Imagine that we had no private universities in Nigeria. That would mean that during that 10-month strike period, absolutely no student in higher education in Nigeria would have gone to school for almost a full year! That would be almost one full year pointlessly wiped away from millions of Nigerian youth! And we all know the repercussion of an idle hand of agitated and energetic people; it’d been a wildfire.
Also, the issue of inadequate funding that plagues public universities is not to be understated. Since they are heavily dependent on government subsidies for their funding, the government’s failure to provide often ends up being the root cause of the endemic strike actions previously mentioned. This insufficiency of funding, of course, translates to poor or inadequate infrastructure for public universities. From the basic amenities like light and water for students to other necessary infrastructure for hands-on learning such as libraries, computer systems, laboratory equipment, and/or specimens, public universities often struggle to make provision for these at a scale sufficient for their number of students admitted. This detracts from the quality of education their students receive.
However, private universities are more commercialized and not dependent on government funding. This means that not only are they able to better provide the infrastructure required for their projects, but they can also create an environment with the proper ambience to encourage learning. Their adequate resources allow them to build infrastructure to cater to a rich student experience, from research programs to student initiatives to extracurriculars.
Another pivotal argument for the need for private universities in Nigeria is the demand-supply gap for higher education in Nigeria. Over the past two decades, as Nigeria’s population has rapidly grown, the demand for tertiary education has grown rapidly as well. This demand has burgeoned so much that the existing public university infrastructure cannot meet it.
To illustrate, a study as far back as 2010 showed how, in the year before that, about 1,182,381 candidates sat for the University Tertiary Matriculation Exam (UTME), but all the existing universities would collectively be able to admit less than 200,000. In 2023, the number of candidates seeking admission into university has only risen. And public universities today are still plagued with shortages in infrastructure and personnel. The crisis here is that no matter how many qualified applicants the public universities absorb, there will still be a very large pool of qualified candidates left without admissions. For this reason alone, private universities are needed because they play a pivotal role in addressing the demand-supply gap in higher education. More so, there is no way the government would miraculously build enough schools with enough facilities within a short time to meet the demands.
Private universities are nowhere near perfect. However, there are several other strengths possessed by private university education that can be imitated by their government-funded counterparts for a stronger education system overall. Private universities in Nigeria are more efficient with their organization and processes; they also tend to possess more up-to-date curricula with an intentionality towards providing teaching from the finest lecturers, scholars, and professionals in the country.
However, their challenges, such as the high cost of school fees (which is an inevitable by-product of their dependency on school fees to finance their operations), will mean that for the foreseeable future, a private university education will still be off-limits to a majority of the Nigerian youth. And this is no fault of theirs but simply a product of economic realities. However, where the supply is more than the demand, the prices can be anticipated to go down in the face of good competition. More private schools mean more possibilities of more affordable prices. Many of the world-class universities in the world are not run by the government; this is watching out for inefficiency in political dependency.
Regardless, it is submitted that the rapid spread of private universities is a welcome development anywhere in the world. These institutions thanklessly satisfy a need that is crucial for national development. A need that clearly cannot be satisfied just by public universities. And since these institutions have different strengths, they must complement each other. The government must enable partnerships and better synergy between both private and public institutions, as this will achieve a better outcome for the Nigerian higher education scene as a whole. This is not to say that the government should disregard funding and continuous development of public education, as the poverty rate and accessibility to education in Nigeria will always make them important.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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