Opinion
Nigerian Politics Of Morbid Desire For Naked Power
Published
1 year agoon
By Salihu Moh. Lukman
One of the famous quotes of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo called for ‘urgent and massive need for moral and spiritual reconstruction: the kind which will help to demolish morbid desire for naked power and domination and ensure justice, equity and fair play for all.’ Chief Awolowo died on May 9, 1987, more than 36 years ago, which means he would have made this call more than four decades ago. Certainly, whatever could have prompted him to raise such an alarm wouldn’t have been anywhere near what is being experienced today. ‘Morbid desire for naked power’ has become the political culture in Nigeria. From all indications, it is the incentive that drives virtually all aspirations for political offices, with the primary aim of controlling (dominating) citizens. Once successful, people in power (elected leaders) take decisions arbitrarily. Notion of justice, equity and fair play is reduced to empty political expressions.
As Nigerians, we must admit, this is what defines the current Fourth Republic since 1999. We have moved across different leaders, all produced through elections. Imperfect as the elections may be, certainly the leaders have the mandate of Nigerians. The manifest reality of injustices, inequitable representation, and unfairness by elected leaders in the country between 1999 and 2015, was thought to be only associated with leaders produced by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). This partly accounted for why when leaders of the former legacy parties – Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples’ Party (ANPP) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) successfully negotiated the merger that produced the All Progressives Congress (APC), the dominant belief in the country was that a new reality was being created, which would end the political culture of injustice, inequitable representation and unfairness in the country.
With former President Muhammadu Buhari and current President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the leaders of the APC, Nigerians believed and supported the APC. Undeniably, the expected ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of Nigeria, with APC in power since 2015, remained a wish. Even with President Asiwaju Tinubu in power today, who has throughout his political career associated himself with the late Chief Awolowo’s philosophical and ideological leanings, ‘morbid desire for naked power’ seems to be the driving aspirations of his leadership. Otherwise, how can anyone explain the emerging attributes of President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government? Complaints about poor access to the President by many APC leaders is widespread. The capacity of APC leaders to exercise influence on President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government is very narrow.
Without any doubt, the orientation, attributes, and behavioural patterns of President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government is virtually the same with that of former President Buhari. Both the two are governments produced by APC but interestingly, both APC as a political party and leaders of the party had little or no say in the two governments. Appointments into positions in governments were or are practically carried out exclusively without consulting either the party organs or leaders of the party both during the tenure of former President Buhari and currently under President Asiwaju Tinubu. Criteria and qualifications for appointments were or are known only to the two leaders and their close associates. Consequently, party leaders and members became orphans, perhaps worse than when they were in opposition parties.
One important distinction is that in the case of the current President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government, steps are being taken to replace all heads of Federal Government Agencies. This is a complete departure from what obtained under former President Buhari whereby most heads of Federal Government Agencies appointed by PDP Government of former President Goodluck Jonathan were retained virtually throughout the eight-year tenure of former President Buhari, including Mr. Godwin Emefieli, former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria. This is mainly responsible for the poor relationship between leaders of the APC and Federal Government appointees even in their respective states. It is also the incentive for most of the cases of anti-party activities by many Federal Government appointees during the 2023 general elections.
Interestingly, however, with constitutional organs of the APC not functioning, these disloyal leaders of the APC have not only gone unpunished, but there are also many allegations of some of these recalcitrant appointees being reappointed in the President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government. Like during the tenure of former President Buhari, absence of input by organs of the APC in the decisions of current President Asiwaju is producing the undesirable consequences of loyal APC supporters heading some of the Federal Government Agencies being arbitrarily removed even before the end of their tenure.
Organs of the APC, since the 2015 electoral victory, never function as provided by the APC constitution. As a result, Article 13.3A(vii) of the APC constitution, which requires the National Executive Committee of the APC to ‘Examine the actions taken or legislation proposed or passed by any Government, Legislative House or Local Government Area/Area Council and determine what further actions the Party should take’ is rendered idle. Inability to make organs of the party functional and through the meetings of organs hold elected leaders accountable further entrenched the reality of ‘morbid desire for naked power’, which is very disturbing. Sadly, there seems to be attempts by some people in the current President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government and their supporters to explain this worrisome reality with reference to how bad former President Buhari’s government had destroyed the country.
As leaders and members of APC, we must take responsibility. Although, many of us were neither appointees nor direct beneficiaries of the former President Buhari’s government, as members and leaders of the APC, we were part of that government, and to that extent therefore co-conspirators and liable for whatever is the scorecard of that government. Any claim to the contrary will amount to a denial of all our failings or shortcomings and therefore being dishonest outright. If at all we are honest, as committed members of the APC, who were part of the vision to negotiate the merger of APC with the foresight of changing Nigerian politics (moral and spiritual reconstruction), we must acknowledge today’s reality, based on which we must reopen a new chapter of political negotiation in the country.
Reopening a new chapter of political negotiation in the country should be about acknowledging all the shortcomings of both the two governments produced by the APC under the leadership of former President Buhari and current President Asiwaju Tinubu. Honest acknowledgement of shortcomings should at the same time recognise the achievements recorded during the tenure of former President Buhari. Once, as party leaders and members, we allow people in the current government of President Asiwaju Tinubu and their supporters to dishonestly explain their ‘morbid desire for naked power’ based on which they are not disposed to allowing structures of the APC to function as provided in the party’s constitution, the ability of the President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government to undertake ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ as proposed but the late Chief Awolowo would be enfeebled. Once that is the case, the promise of Renewed Hope, which was our campaign promise will be an empty slogan.
APC leaders and members, as part of the demonstration of commitment to ensure that President Asiwaju Tinubu succeed in Renewing the Hope of Nigerians should support the campaign to reopen a new chapter of political negotiation in APC with the objective of restoring constitutional order and returning the APC to its founding vision. Restoring constitutional order and returning the APC to its founding vision should be oriented to achieve ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of Nigerian politics, which was the dream of the late Chief Awolowo as far back as more than four decades ago. If the late Chief Awolowo was the ‘best President’ Nigeria never had, why should his claimed political disciple in the person of President Asiwaju Tinubu fail to achieve his dream? Why should President Asiwaju Tinubu allow ‘morbid desire for naked power’ to take over his government?
Specifically, reopening a new chapter of political negotiations in the country should be about exerting pressure on the APC under the leadership of President Asiwaju Tinubu to retore constitutional order and return APC to its founding vision, which is about ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of Nigerian politics. This is centrally about strengthening the mechanism for holding all elected leaders accountable. The absence of this is making President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government to function epileptically. This moment, it is taking excellent initiatives strengthening the confidence of Nigerians that it will Renew the Hopes of Nigerians, the next moment, it is producing completely contradictory results eroding all existing expectations.
Given our political reality as a nation, it must be emphasised that ‘morbid desire for naked power’ by political leaders is not peculiar to APC. In fact, it is what is consuming the PDP so much so that today, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is succeeding to destroy the PDP. And Mr. Obi Obi has taken over Labour Party (LP) without any corresponding commitment to build the structures of the party based on which elected leaders produced by the LP can be held accountable. This reality has stagnated Nigeria, and holds the nation back into a state of permanent electoral contests. Public debate in the country is all about who should be the leader and never about holding leaders accountable.
If anything, the potential to strengthen the structures of any of the existing parties in Nigeria is stronger in APC largely because it is about the only party with strong internal contests aimed at reforming the party. The test of whether President Asiwaju Tinubu is at all a true political disciple of the late Chief Awolowo will be determined based on his capacity to initiate actions towards ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of Nigerian politics, which should start with restoring constitutional order and returning the APC to its founding vision. A situation whereby elected leaders produced by the APC will be allowed to run affairs of governments controlled by the party arbitrarily without permitting organs of the party to guide processes of appointment and decisions, is simply anti-Awoism, retrogressive and unacceptable.
As party leaders and members, who lived the lives of ‘internally displaced politicians’ virtually throughout the eight years of former President Buhari, and about to start a new era of displacement during the tenure of President Asiwaju Tinubu, we need to appreciate that the fact of our displacement is the product of the non-functionality of the structures of the APC. It doesn’t matter whether it was former President Buhari or current President Asiwaju, or any other political leader for that matter is the President. So long as elected leaders are allowed to function in an atmosphere which renders structures of the party that produced them worthless and inactive, ‘morbid desire for naked power’ will continue to be the political culture and all claims to commitment for ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’, or changing Nigeria as promised by APC will elude citizens.
Just like the situation before 2015 whereby Nigerians were confronted with a ruling party, PDP, which was in denial of the challenges facing Nigerian politics that entrenched ‘morbid desire for naked power’, APC is gradually moving into a state of self-denial with APC government led by President Asiwaju Tinubu retaining the same behavioural attribute of demobilising APC structures and blocking them from operating in line with the provisions of the party constitution. This portends the danger of being thrown out of power in 2027 just like PDP experienced in 2015. APC leaders (including President Asiwaju Tinubu) and members may wish to delude themselves into believing anything to the contrary, the reality is that there is a limit to which Nigerians can continue to tolerate and accommodate injustice, inequitable representation, and unfairness on account of ‘morbid desire for naked power’ by leaders entrusted with governmental responsibilities.
The fact of living with entrenched ‘morbid desire for naked power’ will continue to reduce APC leaders and members to the status of ‘internally displaced politicians’ and problems of injustice, inequitable and unfair representation in both the party and government produced by the APC will continue. Already, in less than six months since the inauguration of President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government, insensitive decisions have been taken, which marginalised the North-Central in both the leadership of the APC and the leadership of the National Assembly. Not even the emergence of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje as the National Chairman of the APC, who is from Kano State, North-Central has elicited any rational consideration to renegotiate the leadership of the Senate for instance, whereby another person, Sen. Barau Jibrin, from the same Kano State is occupying the position of Deputy Senate President. Ideally, any claim to progressive politics would have compelled President Asiwaju Tinubu, Dr. Ganduje and all leaders of APC to recognise the ‘moral and spiritual’ burden requiring the need to reconstruct the leadership of the Senate to ‘ensure justice, equity and fair play for all’ by replacing Sen. Barau with a ranking Senator from North-Central as Deputy Senate President.
Like the late Chief Awolowo has argued, the need for a campaign to end ‘morbid desire for naked power’ in Nigerian politics is urgent and massive. Nigerians must not allow serving political leaders to reduce the current challenges facing the country to the cheap question of who will emerge as the next President of Nigeria in 2027. Whether President Asiwaju Tinubu will continue for another four years after 2027 or not should be determined based on his ability or otherwise to restore constitutional order and return the APC to its founding vision of being oriented as a progressive political party. Just like the case of negotiating the merger that produced the APC, which started in 2012, after the 2011 general elections, more than three years before the 2015 general elections, if Nigerian politics is to move forward such that structures of political parties, are activated and made functional, which is a fundamental precondition for ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of the Nigerian society, reopening political negotiations in the country aimed at ‘demolishing morbid desire for naked power’ is ‘urgent and massive’ as prophesised by the revered late Chief Awolowo.
APC leaders, including President Asiwaju Tinubu have very limited choices in this respect. It is quite worrisome and disappointing that with every change in leadership of the party, respect for rules of the APC as contained in the APC constitution gets further eroded. Very troubling, after ten years of APC existence, the National Advisory Council, which is expected to serve as the conscience of the party is yet to be constituted. The APC has no defined funding mechanism. The party doesn’t operate any budget and doesn’t render financial account to any organ. Almost all operations of the party, including managing its finances is done in an ad hoc manner based on the personal discretion of the National Chairman. These were the main issues, which were responsible for the internal disagreements with the leadership of Sen. Abdullahi Adamu and Sen. Iyiola Omisore leading to their resignations.
Almost three months into the tenure of Dr. Ganduje and Sen. Ajibola Basiru, nothing has changed. If anything, financial management has gotten worse as the APC is unable to meet its financial obligation. Organs of the party are not being mobilised to initiate responses. Outside the National Working Committee, which meets weekly, no organ of the party is meeting. At this rate, it can only be predicted that under the leadership of Dr. Ganduje, the APC will only mark time to produce candidates for 2027 elections. Once this is the case, Renewed Hope agenda as promised by President Asiwaju Tinubu would be reduced to entrenching ‘morbid desire for naked power’ and many APC leaders and members would continue to exist as internally displaced politicians. To avoid this, APC leaders and members must reopen a strong campaign to restore constitutional order and return the APC to its founding vision.
‘Urgent and massive need for moral and spiritual reconstruction’ of Nigeria to
‘demolish morbid desire for naked power’ is a critical success factor for Renewing the Hopes of Nigerians. Like is often said, charity begins at home, Renewing the Hopes of Nigerians must start with restoring constitutional order and returning APC to its founding vision based on which members can have stronger influences on governments produced by the party, especially the Federal Government led by President Asiwaju Tinubu. The capacity of President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government to achieve ‘moral and spiritual reconstruction’
of Nigeria in line with the political foresight and ingenuity of the late Chief Awolowo who is supposed to be the political role model of President Asiwaju Tinubu is only possible if structures of the APC are allowed to function in line with the provision of the party’s constitution. Anything short of that will amount to political betrayal of the late Chief Awolowo. President Asiwaju Tinubu must never allow history to record him as one of those who betrayed the late Chief Awolowo.
Dr. Lukman, an APC leader, writes from Kaduna.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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