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Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III: The Legacies Of A Great King

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

Photo: The late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III

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Toyin Falola

I knew the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, at a most personal level. We had such a cordial relationship that I had his private cellphone number. Professor Akin Alao of Obafemi Awolowo University was our go-between, and he was at the palace with me many times. Oba Lamidi honored me with his presence at conferences and showed me some of his draft papers. He accepted the idea of creating a museum at Oyo. He revealed his knowledge on the depth of his understanding of Yoruba history.

When he turned 80 in 2018, Professor Siyan Oyeweso of the Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding invited several professors, including my humble self, to a conference in his honor at the Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo. At the opening ceremony of this conference on October 8, 2018, I called for the creation of Alafinology as a sub-field in the broader context of kingship and argued that we could have created degree courses around divination and kingship to strengthen our indigenous knowledge system. I knew him, and he knew me. We were united in advancing the project of the enhancement of African civilization.

That was a memorable conference for reasons additional to the main objective of celebrating the Alaafin at 80. Ibadan was in an uproar over the decision by the governor, the late Senator Isiaka Abiola Adeyemi Ajimobi, to fragment the Olubadanship into dozens of other titled Obas. I was tasked with being part of the delegation to talk him out of it. It was an unsuccessful mission, with the governor telling us privately that he could use his authority to remove the Olubadan if he did not cooperate with him. We were supposed to do the talking, but the governor was then suffering from acute verbal diarrhea. Still unsuccessful was the mission endorsed by the Alaafin to speak to the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Adewale Akanbi, over the style and substance of His Majesty’s administration. The breakout of Oluwo’s irregular psychotic episodes turned a correctional mission into expressions of condolence. October 18 was the last time I would see Chief Lekan Are. Chief Are revealed a secret: he opened his cellphone to show me the devastating data on his health conditions. He did not recover. May his soul continue to rest in peace. There remain the living, many who attended the conference, including Professors Akin Ogundiran, J. Lorand Matory, and Tunji Olaopa, who gave the major addresses. Ogundiran has become the greatest Alaafinologist in African history with his well-received book, The Yoruba: A New History, which covers a long span of two thousand years.

Ikú Bàbá Yèyé – Aláàfin

Whenever I come across a key part of his cognomen stated above—the most prominent words to address one of Africa’s most historically powerful kings—I marvel at the etymological ingenuity that went into coining such cognomen to aptly portray the power and influence of the largest empire in Yoruba history.

Yes, Alaafin remains renowned as Ikú Bàbá Yèyé, but ironically, however, death is the ultimate leveler and regulator. Only in death does the poor church-mouse measure up to the extremely wealthy; of course, that is after the fanfare and glee of the rich’s burial ceremony, not in terms of the amount spent on coffins and all the glitz. Undoubtedly, everyone gets to die, so living to witness another person’s burial is never a sign of advantage or supremacy over them. As a result, death is considered a natural phenomenon most feared, which no one, no matter how powerful, can evade.

If death is the ultimate leveler and everyone gets to die, why then are the ascendants to the throne of Oyo, the historically rich town in Nigeria, referred to as children birthed in the loins of death? Omo Iku t’iku k’ole pa, Omo Arun t’arun k’ole se. The Ikú Bàbá Yèyé appellation has its etymological roots in the words: “Ikú Ni Bàbá, Ikú Ni Yèyé,” literally translated as “Death is both the father and the mother,” the ultimate reality of human mortality and the gender-neutral anti-climax of life. It is the conquest of death in its spiritual essence. Thus, the Alaafin is not dead; rather, he only relocated his dwelling, first to the attic and then to the cloud. The cognomen signifies the depth of the Alaafin’s power and authority. Therefore, drawing such parallels between the Alaafin and death serves as a means of relating the unquantifiable nature of his power and significance.

Then, there is the “Aláàfin” appellation. Aláàfin, made soothing on the lips by transforming the two words Oní and Àaàfin — loosely translated as the “Owner of the Palace.” Now, it must take a deep sense of awe and reverence for His Imperial Majesty, the King of Oyo, to be referred to as the Aláàfin within the Yoruba nation in the context of power and authority in Africa and the world at large. So, for a people to refer to their king as “the owner of the palace,” not “the owner of a palace,” the respect and sovereignty accorded that king must be enormous. And such is the authority and power that all ascendants to the throne of the Aláàfin have enjoyed, from the first Aláàfin in an undated historical moment to Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi, whose life and impact we are reminiscing on today.

READ ALSO: Alaafin Adeyemi III: The Throne Of Numerous Authorities

Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, now alive in the company of his ancestors in the Oranmiyan compound in abode beyond the skies, ascended the throne of Oyo at a time the whole of Nigeria was undergoing a crisis. The Nigerian Civil War had just ended ten months before his ascension to the throne, and if anything, the country was not in a celebratory mood. Close to a million lives had been lost. It was also a politically tense period, with people hurt physically, emotionally, and psychologically. Any misstep from anyone, especially those in positions of power, could relapse into another war. Additionally, it was during the height of the military government that overthrew the First Republic. Coupled with the bitter taste of the dregs of the Civil War, the Aláàfin’s ascension to the throne was in a period in which any monarch could easily get confused about where their loyalties should lie and how they should form alliances.

On the contrary was a lingering story that cut deep: the story of the politically masterminded deposition of Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II, father of the recently deceased Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, in 1955. Thus, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III ascended the throne in a politicized atmosphere that required him to be cautious, both for himself and his people. The politicians who humiliated his late father were still alive. The precarious situation shaped the philosophy of the longest-reigning king of Oyo: be bold, be truthful, and be wary of poisonous snakes in human skin.

The late Aláàfin, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, who reigned for 51 years and 5 months, was one of the most progressive kings of his era, both in Yorubaland and throughout Nigeria. Deeply rooted in the Yoruba belief system, traditions, and history, His Imperial Majesty was proof that education must be combined with culture to produce knowledge. The Aláàfin was known for his diplomatic and strategic approaches to political affairs. He drew his friends close and his enemies closer. He was a deep-thinking and progressive monarch who earned the love and respect of his people and other kings alike. His influence spread beyond Oyo State to the Southwestern part of the country and even to other parts of Nigeria. He was a man who wielded power democratically and commanded respect from his strategic position in Oyo-Ile.

READ ALSO: Alaafin Of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III: On History, His Kingdom, And The Yoruba

Until his last days, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was an active ruler and considering that he was a king who transcended different periods in Nigeria’s existence and evolution, it is applaudable and worthy of remembrance to note that the enthusiastic Oba Adeyemi who ascended the ancestral throne of power in 1970 remained relevant and vibrant until his 83rd year when he journeyed to Baara. He was a king who witnessed the different aspects of the Nigerian state — both military and democratic — and their attendant characteristics. Despite the sour history that preceded his ascension to the throne, he remained relevant even with the transition of time and approaches due to the way he intensified the need to unify the people of Oyo. The Aláàfin extensive political acumen made him the Head of the Council of Obas in Oyo State for a very long time.

Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Atanda Adeyemi III was a man who knew how to rule. He was not oblivious of the need to be close to the people while ensuring that familiarity did not breed contempt. He was close enough to spend time with the Oyo people and win their respect; yet he was quick to make moves to warn those who wanted to plot against him. His Imperial Majesty showed political prowess and demonstrated that not all political power was lost. Aláàfin never shied away from promoting the Yoruba culture and people. He was a man who had his people, beliefs, and traditions at the core of his system, as evident in the way he gave precedence to Yoruba religion and Oyo traditional practices.

On October 24, 2021, we hosted Aláàfin Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III on the Toyin Falola Interview series. It was not my first encounter with him, but it was many people’s closest interaction with him–an encounter that helped them to see the Aláàfin from some newer perspectives. During the interview, the Aláàfin addressed the state of traditional rulership in Nigeria, the state of our institutions, belief systems, and cultures, and the role that he and other like-minded Obas played in ensuring that the traditional institutions were preserved. He was a king who did all he could to keep traditions and institutions alive. Remarkably, he was never wont to give his take on issues. He was diplomatic, yes, but fearlessly so. The transcripts of the interview with the Aláàfin have now become a permanent record:
Facebook: https://fb.watch/8RtsH8UVn8/
YouTube: https://youtube.com/watch?v=S-MEj8qr0ls

READ ALSO: Outrage As VCs’ Wives Plan To Hold Training In Turkey

Until he took his last breath, Ikú Bàbá Yèyé, the Aláàfin of Oyo, was an energetic, people-embracing, knowledgeable, and powerful monarch. His sheer knowledge of the Yoruba nation, founded on his education in history at strategic cultural institutions, including at the Alake’s Palace, where his father sent him for socialization, was remarkably profound. The demise of the Alaafin has left a void at the core of the Yoruba nation. History, power, alliances, collaboration, and politics will not be the same with the transition of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III to the realm of ancestors, where he is now ruling in the unseen world.

For a monarch of Yoruba extraction to sit on the throne of his ancestors for more than half a century, surrounded by the powerful (and much-dreaded) Oyo Mesi, the Ultimate Council of Kingmakers, this Alaafin was a regal, spiritual and political enigma whose reign will be indelibly carved in the annals of Yoruba history,

Remain alive, Ikú Bàbá Yèyé, Omo iku t’iku o le pa!

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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