Opinion
Otunba Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala: The Lifetime Of A Humane Politician
Published
3 years agoon
By
Tunji Olaopa
Permit me to start this eulogy by appreciating His Excellency, Governor Seyi Makinde, for his thoughtfulness in setting aside political differences not only to accord Otunba Alao-Akala the courtesy of a state burial, but in extending the paraphernalia of state to spearhead this unique gathering of alliance across the broad political and ideological spectrum in Oyo State. Secondly, and from the perspective of a political scientist, I like to acknowledge the uniqueness of this broad political alliance across the spectrum, and to admonish this corps of Oyo State political elites across the divides that are gathered today to extend their love to Otunba Akala by concretizing whatever inspiration was behind this commendable gathering which has set aside political differences to honour a unique persona with a view to elevating the coalition into an Oyo State political elites family forum
Such a political family forum will then be a testament to the unrestrained love for the people of Oyo State, in pursuit of higher purpose through gathering from time to time to push the frontiers of real progress irrespective of political differences not only for the benefit of our dear state, but Yorubaland and by extension, our dear country Nigeria. It is significant that this alliance is convoked in honour of Otunba Alao-Akala. This being a solid testament to one defining feature of his live-and-let-live politics, devoid of bitterness, amongst a host of other legacies of his political statesmanship. I like to surmise that this is a dimension in statecraft which if given life, would in time inspire trans-ethnic consciousness and solidarity that is critical to harnessing Nigeria’s complex diversity as political capital to catalyze dynamics towards resetting Nigeria’s journey to its destined future.
That this lecture is coming posthumous is really sad. And this is because I believe we should celebrate those who have contributed indelibly to our understanding of our humanity and our politics while they are still alive. I am however gratified that we could gather to celebrate this eminent and unique politician of our time whose lifetime made an indelible mark on what politics ought to mean for those who are still around us and for the stewardship that we hold on behalf of the people
It was Marcus Tullius Cicero, the Roman statesman and orator, who once remarked that “the life of the dead is placed in the memory of the living”. With these words, Cicero reminds me of a similar saying of Yoruba, that we are deified after we are dead! In other words, memory serves as the point of the immortality that humans seek to perpetuate themselves in existence. Indeed, almost everyone wants to live forever. But there are those who, without even seeming to try, succeed in generating memories in the lives of people. One of these is certainly Otunba Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala. Of course, it is practically impossible for the dead to command the entire positive memories of everyone alive. However, there was a significant outpouring of grief and reminiscing from across the spectrum that links the masses to the elites. It would seem that the long reach of Akala’s compassionate nature reached everywhere. Significantly, even His Excellency the Vice President of Nigeria, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, testified to Alao-Akala’s deep sense of generosity and humanity
This is one example of a man that had battled to rise from the heap, from grass; a humble beginning, and was determined to raise as many as he could. He was a passionately compassionate soul who had no apologies for his desire to reach out to those in need, a desire molded in the fire of his affliction while growing up. This is how Festus Adedayo reviewed Akala’s passion: “I see a down-to-earth man who had no airs, a man hunted by the unpleasant experience of his childhood which manifested in an uncommon generosity in him while in office that was misconstrued as profligacy.”
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Otunba Alao-Akala was an exceptional figure in all respects. And as I proceed in this eulogy, I shall further highlight some significant dimensions of his exceptionality without attempting to write another biographical account of his life. First, I like to consider his religiosity. As a Baptist myself, I can easily and deeply appreciate the influence of the Baptist doctrinaire variant of Christianity in his worldview and in his intellectual and emotional maturation. Of course, being Baptist constitutes a fundamental influence in the historical formation of Ogbomoso as a community, and almost all her indigenes. Indeed, being entirely submerged in the Baptist way of life was sufficient to provide a prism by which Akala, the church-boy, would eventually see all of life and its meaning. He read all his dealings as ascension in life through his connections and disconnections to God. It is only in this way that one could understand why he could give the autobiographical summation of his life and it’s unfolding a spiritual title “Amazing Grace”. And who would query the influence that Providence had taken in his life if that is what he saw from his childhood all through his lifetime? And all that was truly unusual – a politician that saw the hand of the Almighty in his political calling and becoming. How strange could such a person be? How exceptional?
In putting Akala as an Ogbomoso boy in perspective, let’s start by putting that bit in its historical context. Indeed, historically, Ogbomoso stands at the confluence of several historical junctures, from Yoruba, the South West and the Nigerian federation. Ogbomoso was significant in defining the fate of the old Oyo Empire especially in resisting the calvary force of the invading Fulani. Ogbomoso would also significantly contribute to the erosion of the power of the Oyo Empire when it shifted its allegiance to Ibadan, the then rising military town which defeated the Fulani in 1840. This political strategy of pragmatic reading of times and seasons of politics has led Ogbomoso into being a significant bloc in the politics of the South West and of Oyo State.
The rise of Chief S. L. Akintola and the political and ideological disagreement with Chief Obafemi Awolowo would further entrench Ogbomoso’s political significance in the South West scheme of things. It was therefore inevitable and logical that Akala’s incursion into Oyo State politics would be from the platform afforded by Ogbomoso as a political base. To understand this, we have to return to S.L. Akintola and his Ogbomoso cultural connection from which Akala took his political cue. It is therefore not strange for Akala to pronounce that “history has not been fair to … Akintola”
In yielding to the godfatherism of Chief Lamidi Adedibu therefore, Akala was clearly motivated by what he called the “Ogbomoso political behaviour” and its antecedent alliance with Ibadan, with an unstated reckoning that Papa Adedibu was by blood Omo Oyo Alafin. And in Akala’s reckoning, and my reading following after SLA, if an alignment with the Northern Nigeria would benefit Ogbomoso, and in this case through Chief Adedibu with Ibadan, then that was the best political move to make. He said this much in justifying his joining the All People’s Congress (APC), and in his words: “the party had the national spread and was in control of the centre.” It is in this sense that we must salute the political sagacity of Otunba Alao-Akala. It was not an easy thing for him to ride the formidable dynamics of his Ogbomoso grassroots politics into the fortress of Ibadan realpolitik, mediated by the mercurial Alafin Molete, and not only win the electoral contest but to become a godfather himself
The question for the political class taking a cue or the baton from him is therefore to keep pushing the political interest of their constituencies while forging alliances that are critical to the fruition of a political culture and resilience that are required to building a strong and prosperous Nigerian state, overall, with sensitivity to better harness our diversity to not only position the South West in the larger federation, but to salvage our ailing and failing Nigerian nation-state. This relates to the issue of how the political class in Nigeria manage the tension that comes with ethnic and tribal politics, and crisis management. Taking lessons from and in stark contrast to the Awolowo-Akintola environment of bitterness-polluted polity, Senator Rasheed Ladoja’s testimony that though he and Akala had occasions of political disagreement, “but this did not injure our personal relationship … I therefore never saw Alao-Akala as a betrayer” was instructive. It validates Akala’s ideology of live-and-let-live, a politics that tried as much as possible to be devoid of bitterness that has become the hallmark of the Nigerian politics
Lest I am misconstrued, Akala was not a saint by any stretch of imagination. He was just a man; an amiable lover of pleasure, a socialite who cherished being in social circles with friends and associates. I am indeed a beneficiary of his warmness and his uncanny capacity to maintain a social circle and network with people irrespective of age, status, tribe or class. Since 2011 when I met him, Otunba Alao-Akala not only adopted me as a kid-brother, but also indirectly taught me what it means to insinuate oneself into the lives and concerns of those around me. He was essentially a part of my family, with an encouraging presence in all my events to boot. He attended my inaugural lecture and would always call to offer his goodwill whenever I recorded a major stride. I later discovered that that was the modus operandi he had for everyone that crossed his path, even if they are outside his political network. In a time where relationships are counted in terms of political patronage and connections, that was a huge legacy for Otunba Alao-Akala. Indeed, he was in some sense an unusual being, an enigma, a spirit of some sort who simply passed by this land and had ascended to attend to duties of higher calling. The best we can do is to read the footprints of his passing and orient ourselves by them.
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Indeed, there are several significant senses in which he was just a typical politician motivated by sheer ambition in the way he moved from one party to another. A dimension that is the face of realpolitik that all politicians are used to in Nigeria today. No one would, however, deny the capacity of Akala as a bridge-builder and a master-negotiator who understood the technique involved in high-politics. And a testament to this is the coalition of politicians gathered here today in a posthumous seminal reflection on Oyo State political future, all to honour the broad-mindedness, accommodationist exemplariness, that he was dedicated to in his lifetime
Let me end this critical eulogy by characterizing the persona of the politician that I think Chief Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala represents; a legacy that could serve as a pathway for a politics that can move us forward. Otto von Bismarck, former first chancellor of the German empire, once wrote that “politics is the art of the possible, the attainable—the art of the next best.” This quote speaks about the essence of realpolitik; the capacity to get things done even outside the demands of ideologies and idealism. Politics within the context of Nigeria could be a very difficult thing. It demands a lot of compromise that often clashes with one’s ideological principles. To get things done is therefore not to be perfect, but to get things done in ways that improve the lives of people.
It is in this sense that Chief Alao-Akala was such a pragmatic politician who deeply understood what it means to be a politician that makes things happen. And one significant way he did this was through building an inter- and intra-ethnic confidence and negotiations that transcended party and ideological lines to fast-forward the demands of good governance. It seems to me that no one can accuse Chief Alao-Akala as being for Ogbomoso alone, or for sidetracking essential infrastructural development just to favor Ogbomoso to the detriment of other regions in Oyo State
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In this sense, Alao-Akala created a definitive contrast by which we can assess what it means to be a pragmatic politician in a context that should normally have generated acrimony and dead-weights of delayed decisions that make lives difficult for citizens. That any politicians could survive within such a stifling environment is a miracle. It takes compromise and pragmatism. It takes a vision that is already aware of the deep mines involved in acting on behalf of the people rather than for selfish and self-serving ends alone. The key word in my last sentence is “alone” because it makes allowance for a politician to find means to feather her own nest or those of her ethnic constituents without compromising her stewardship to the people. The two are not mutually exclusive.
Nigeria urgently needs politicians who are simply not mere jobbers, but those who are motivated, as Alao-Akala was by his background and existential deprivation. Whatever motivates anyone running for office, the critical matter is that such a person must be ready to do whatever it takes to make life more abundantly richer than what exists before she gets there. This is what it means to make politics the act of the possible, and Chief Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala was our exemplar.
. Being a lecture delivered by Olaopa, a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor at National Institute (NIPSS), Kuru-Jos, at the Day of Tributes organized by the Oyo State Political Class in collaboration with the Oyo State Government in Ibadan on Monday, 14th of February, 2022. tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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