Opinion
Ọ̀wọ̀: Soaring Insecurity And The Conspiracy Of State Silence
Published
3 years agoon
By Toyin Falola
Owo, Ondo State, June 5, 2022. A day of bloodshed in a place of worship. All our fears are back. Far away in Europe, I could not sleep, and I lost the capacity to function. The imagery and symbolism are powerful, just too powerful that their significance must be explained to those who do not know. It occurred inside a Catholic Church on a Sunday morning – there is a spiritual (at least religious) dimension to that picture. Imagine such happening on a Friday noon prayer in Kano or Kaduna, where a group, calling itself Christian, goes on a rampage to kill, maim and unleash other mayhems on the people inside the mosque, including capturing the Chef Imam and holding him for ransom. It occurred in the Yoruba town of Ọ̀wọ̀ – one of the most sacred towns of the Yoruba (it is called “Ọ̀wọ̀” because of its sacredness); and remember, Ọlọ́wọ̀ is believed to be the last of the eight sons of Ọ̀rúnmìlà – the Yoruba god of wisdom and divination. It occurred in a Church almost directly facing the palace of the Olowo of Owo; what an insult! It occurred in the town of the seating governor of the state, Governor Akeredolu. It occurred in the home of one of the most revered Yoruba politicians and statesmen, Adekunle Ajaṣin. It occurred right in the center of the town (around Oja Oba). It can’t get any worse than that!
Ọ̀wọ̀!
These are trying times for every peace-loving, industrious, and patriotic Nigerian. Watching our dear nation (our home and pride) degenerate into a theatre of unabating terror—from the enduring insurgency in the north-eastern region to the banditry gradually engulfing the entire nation and the ugly acts of jungle justice—has to be the most harrowing experience we have endured since the civil war of 1967, which claimed over a million lives and nearly tore the country apart. If we could ascertain the exact number of Nigerians who have lost their lives from the early days of Boko Haram bomb attacks to this period of rampant killings and kidnappings, we might be compelled to rethink the comparative cost of the civil war. In fewer words, scores of Nigerians have died due to nationwide insecurity. The southeast is a major zone of insecurity, with rampant killings and the existence of a “state within a state” that makes its own rules.
The last twelve weeks have been particularly brutal on our collective psyche as a people. Scarcely recovering from the shock of the attack on the Abuja-Kaduna train, which left many dead and many others kidnapped and still languishing in the camp of their terrorist captors, the news came from Sokoto on May 12, 2022, of a student murdered in the most gruesome manner by her classmates for alleged blasphemy. Unknown to many, on that same infamous day, another innocent citizen, 37-year-old Sunday David Imoh, was brutally beaten, killed, and set ablaze in Lekki, Lagos State, because of a disagreement with an Okada rider over transport fare.
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While the dust was yet to settle on that incident, a vigilante, Ahmad Usman, was attacked, killed, and also set ablaze in Lugbe, a suburb of Abuja, for refusing to listen to pleas to grant a pass to a trader who had stayed on in the market beyond curfew. His offense was insisting that even if they begged him “in Allah’s name,” he would still effect the arrest. For that, he was branded a blasphemer and brutally murdered. Then there was Sunday’s terror attack at St. Francis Catholic Church, Owo, in Ondo State, where dozens of worshipers—including women and children—were gunned down in cold blood!
Amidst this non-stop terror, our people have tried to hold it together. Decent, hardworking, and law-abiding Nigerians have tried to continue with their daily endeavors despite the terrifying knowledge that, as they leave their houses every morning to seek their daily bread, there is an increasing possibility of being victims of either the kidnapping for ransom schemes, senseless terror attacks, or frequent “jungle justice” actions of angry mobs. However, beneath this misleading calm is a palpable tension that can be felt within the polity, as group relations have notably taken a dive given the assumed ethnic and religious connotations of many of the attacks.
Alarmingly, all it would take today for anyone to be butchered in the full glare of the public is a shout of “Thief!”.
Many theories have been developed to explain why the Nigerian state is witnessing such unprecedented cases of terror incidents. Environmental and political arguments have been put forward about the issue of the increasing terror attacks and kidnappings inflicted by the infamous “unknown gunmen” and “Fulani herdsmen.” Some maintain that the herdsmen were not originally the gun-slinging, bloodthirsty terror groups we see today. Rather, they were mainly pastoralists who were forced into kidnapping and banditry, both by the effects of climate change forcing them to leave their traditional locations and the attacks from cattle rustlers who stole their main source of livelihood. Hence, they have resorted to crime only to compensate for this loss. As for the political angle, which also accounts for the existence of “unknown gunmen,” the narrative is that these groups are political thugs and mercenaries hired by desperate politicians to serve their nefarious agendas.
Regarding the growing insecurity in the country, the official government position has remained that these acts of terrorism are committed by unscrupulous elements working to destabilize the country, undermine the government’s efforts, and give its administration a bad reputation. In line with this stance, the state policy for counteraction has mostly comprised ineffectual or limp statements claiming that it identifies with the sufferings of the citizens, meaning that, like the lives of Nigerians, its reputation is also under attack and at risk. The simple truth is: that a government that genuinely cares about the safety and welfare of its people will go beyond offering serial condemnations and assurances that “the perpetrators would be brought to book.” Now, this begs the question, how many perpetrators have ever been brought to book?
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The Nigerian government appeared to have taken a more measured stance in its fight against terrorism after the extra-judicial killing of then Boko Haram leader Mohammed Yusuf by state security forces and the clash between the Shia Muslim sect and personnel of the Nigerian Army in Zaria, leading to the killing of many of the Shia members and the incarceration of its leader, Sheik El Zakzaky. This might not be unconnected to the intense scrutiny and criticism both incidences brought on its fight against terrorism. This is not taking anything away from the gallantry and patriotism of members of the country’s security forces—Army, Navy, Air Force, Police, Civil Defence, and other volunteer groups—who have given blood and tears in the long fight against the peddlers of terror. Rather, it is to recall, among other things, their many cries of neglect from the battlefield. We must also remember the many billions pledged to this fight against terrorism and the allegations of financial misappropriation involving politicians and soldiers. These recollections, I dare say, lead to one important question: What can we show for all that commitment, which has cost the nation dearly in terms of human and infrastructural development?
For the average Nigerian citizen trying to navigate the scattered landmines of kidnapping and the menace of “unknown gunmen,” “herdsmen,” and jungle justice, it has become very difficult to put the finger on any advances made in the fight against insecurity, especially as it is daily becoming apparent that the terrorists, formerly located at the infamous Sambisa Forest and other north-eastern locations, have made their way southwards to the north-western, middle-belt, south-western, and the south-eastern regions of the country. Let’s take a moment to also consider the plight of refugees and internally displaced peoples and the number of people still in captivity in bushes and creeks across the country. We will begin to realize how dismally this war against insecurity has been prosecuted.
Today, as witnesses to the unwarranted and horrific murders of Deborah Samuel, Sunday David Imoh, Ahmad Usman, the victims of the Abuja-Kaduna train attack, and those of the Ondo church massacre, we must ask the question: Did they have to die? The answer is a resounding “NO!” Their deaths were preventable. For a moment, let us daydream, not just to momentarily escape the many terrors on our heels but to imagine that we have a responsible government that understands that the constitution does not exist for the sole purpose of ensuring its privileges; one that appreciates that as a constitutional democracy, it is the constitution and not any religious doctrine that is supreme; a government committed to a prosperous future for Nigeria; a government chosen by the people and not by money; a government representative of the people’s interests, and not elite interests. If we had such a government, addressing many of these issues would be faster, and politicians will show sympathy for victims and promote the spirit of orderliness.
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Therefore, there is no gainsaying that the criminal elements within the general populace, as well as those from without the country’s borders, have taken advantage of the government’s growing lukewarm approach towards checking criminality in the country to advance their agenda and wreak untold horrors on innocent people. Law-abiding citizens are reduced to moving targets abducted randomly, with little or no intervention from the state, and woe to any citizen whose family cannot come up with the ransom in the case of kidnap. Many have been lost in this way.
Fortunately, the day of reckoning for the country’s political representation is around the corner. This is our opportunity to query the state’s conspiracy of silence. We must ask the right questions and demand satisfactory answers. And we can start by asking why those identified as sponsoring terrorism in Nigeria have not been arrested and brought to justice?
Two: they murdered the innocents. They have murdered our sleep again. I join millions of others in offering words of comfort to the families of every victim of the bloodshed. Drawing from Chapter 4 of the book of Psalms, I pray for every Nigerian who currently lives with the fear of what horrors the next minute could bring:
“Answer me when I call to you, my righteous God.
Give me relief from my distress;
have mercy on me and hear my prayer…
In peace I will lie down and sleep,
for you alone, LORD,
make me dwell in safety.
To all the victims and those of us who suffer along with them, I fortify you further with Psalm 121:5:5.
5 The Lord is thy keeper:
the Lord is thy shade upon thy right hand.
6 The sun shall not smite thee by day,
nor the moon by night.
7 The Lord shall preserve thee from all evil:
he shall preserve thy soul.
8 The Lord shall preserve thy going out and thy coming in
from this time forth, and even for evermore.
May security and safety return to our land!
Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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