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Political Insanity Or Harvest Of Greed

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An Open Letter To President Muhammadu Buhari

By
Stella Omonigho

Ours is a society characterised by frenzy, fantasies and fanfares. This is why nothing surprises anyone who is a Nigerian or who has lived in Nigeria for at least one month. The kind of behaviour exhibited and accepted in Nigeria can only happen in Nigeria. You may wonder what may be the reason(s) for taking this position about our beloved Nigeria. See!

While Nigerians are groaning in the pains of the effects of the economic crunch on food, petroleum products, transportation, housing and so many other commodities in the country, Nigerian politicians are busy displaying a ‘show of shame’ on who has one hundred million naira to purchase a presidential nomination form. Interestingly, the masses who should respond with a public outcry are mute while some others are singing their praises. Think about it. This can only happen in Nigeria.

READ ALSO: Mental Health Isn’t About Crazy People, It’s About All Of US – Akindotun Merino

Whereas public university students and workers have been at home for more than three months, the politicians have not taken any genuine step in resolving the disputes between government and varsity workers. Yet some of these politicians whose primary responsibilities are but not limited to ensuring a functional university system and to ensuring l industrial harmony in our universities have chosen to pursue their personal political ambitions.

Sadly, their principal is silent and the Nigerian public who should call them out have taken to the streets to commend them. Interestingly, it would appear as if the silence and the commendation constitute their approval for killing our public university system. Again, where else can this happen if not in Naija?

Despite the drowning lack among the Nigerian masses our politicians pretend not to feel or see that it exists. For emphasis, our politicians feign ignorance of the level of the suffering of the people and they do not just care whether they drown, sink or die under the weight of government-induced inflation, poverty, unemployment or total deprivation. Sadly, all these are happening in the midst of plenty. I know that they or their sycophants will be quick to say the country is broke but that will be a lame excuse.

If the politicians some of whose salaries are in the public domain could afford to buy a party’s nomination form for a whopping amount of 100,000,000.00 naira then Nigeria is not broke but ‘broken into’. On a moral ground if these politicians were concerned about the wellbeing of Nigerians, they would have objected or protested against the hike in the cost of acquiring a nomination form.

Think of it, if saving Nigeria and Nigerians is their objective, they would have challenged the rationale behind the spike in the price of the ticket and instead divert most of their funds to saving some dead or dying sectors like the health and education sectors. But what we see is the festival of political scavengers who would do anything to obtain and keep power even at the cost of the future of Nigerian youths who they hope to lure with money and empty promises into doing their dirty bids. Never in the history of Nigeria have we seen so many people aiming at the presidential seat nor at such an exorbitant rate. So what could be the mystery behind this?

READ ALSO: Saving INEC, EFCC, ICPC From Treason

Furthermore, there is abject moral decadence in the Nigerian society which has resulted in explicit child sexual display and bestiality among Lekki girls. Interestingly, the identity of the dog owners and the perpetrators of this dastardly acts have not been released whether deliberately or unintentionally. This is despite the public and social media speculations that some unamed politicians are the owners of the dogs defiling Nigerians girls on the offer of 1.2 million naira.

Despise the wide publicity on the moral decadence in our society it may interest you to know that none of these presidential aspirants including the clergy men among them has made any statements condemning the immorality in the society or spoken to encourage the youths to be more resourceful and decent. I wonder then what their objectives of investing as much as 100,000,000.00 naira are.

Nelson Mandela once said: “It is better to lead from behind and to put others in front, especially when you celebrate victory when nice things occur. You take the front line when there is danger. Then people will appreciate your leadership”.

People were abducted and killed on the ill-fated train from Abuja to Kaduna the other day and the minister for transport is yet to take any action towards the release of those in captivity nor made any reasonable statement about the fraud in the ticketing, yet he is busy running round a stadium and brandishing money. Where else in the world can all these happen unchecked? Naija!

We are yet to know the sources of funds for all those buying nomination forms and why the quest for more power especially those who are currently in power and have no results to display.

The presidential seat must be a serious profit-making seat for so many. And if it were not so why are the political elites clamouring to indicate interest even when they know they may not get the ticket or their parties not to talk of getting elected? This behaviour is contrary to the general impression that leadership is for service. If the presidential seat in Nigeria were to be for the service of the people we would not be saddled with the presence of scavengers scrambling for the seat. I bet you the position of the president of Nigeria to these scavengers is nothing but a gold mine. If not, what would distract sitting ministers who have not given account of their stewardship in office as ministers, whose ministries are in shambles and have put the parastatals under them in nothing but pain and agony if not the presidential gold mine?

What would distract a sitting CBN governor under whose care all sensitive electoral materials are kept and who is supposed to be one of the key players in safeguarding our democracy to join the rat race to the gold mine?

Have you asked yourself what distracted a sitting Senate president who should be focused on laws and ensuring that the political class carries out her duties with all integrity or call for the impeachment of any incompetent and corrupt leader but instead has nursed the ambition of grabbing the gold mine all to himself?

READ ALSO: Nigeria At A Crossroads: Moment For Lamentation And Ambivalent Reflection

Is it not worrisome that some ministers have become more powerful than others to the point that the labour minister writes to the accountant general of the federation to stop salaries of workers under the Ministry of Education and the AGF promptly obeys without getting approval from the president of the country nor that of the minister of education whose sector is concerned? Whereas the said power-drunk minister puts over a hundred thousand varsity workers in hunger with all their dependants, he also joins the rat race for the crown.

May I therefore ask: What is happening to our constitution? Are there no laws in the electoral acts concerning sitting political appointees clamouring for other positions? Why have they not resigned their present offices to pursue their political ambitions? Are the political leaders not answerable to their country? Is there anyone who is above the country? Why are they not giving account of their stewardship before jumping into yet another? Why would civil servants not be allowed to be party card-carrying members? Why would it ever occur to the political leaders to bring out a law that “no civil servant must run for any political positions? Why have the political parties made the tree of the political tickets to be so tall and unreachable to the masses who might be genuinely earning their wages?

I challenge all political parties leaders that if they are genuine enough, they must consider not only “not too young to run” but also “not too poor to run” so that we all can join the rat race in quest of the golden stool. This is nothing but political insanity and if it not then it is a harvest of greed.

Omonigho, PhD, is a public affairs analyst.

 

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Opinion

Reading List For Public Servants And Reform Managers

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Prof. Tunji Olaopa

By Tunji Olaopa

Since its inauguration many decades ago, public administration has generated a permanent discursive framework that ensures that it has the theoretical and practical contents to sustain the professionalism and efficiency that the public service requires to complement the state everywhere. This becomes even more critical given that the democratic imperative keeps articulating and aggregating the significant political preferences of a citizenry that knows what it wants from a leadership and its administrative apparatuses. This therefore means that for public administration to fully and adequately complement the democratic imperative—for the public service to optimally aid democratic governance in any state—the public administrative discourse must always be in full swing to ensure it is not outstripped by the discourse on democracy.

This, I suspect, is not the real challenge. This is because the public administration discourse has remained fundamentally fecund in terms of its inner dynamics of responding to the challenges that confront public administration and the public service over the decades. From Max Weber to Woodrow Wilson, and from the new public management (NPM) to the new governance theory, public administration has kept up with the changing dynamics of the times that enables it to overcome critical hindrances and challenges from the first to the fourth industrial revolutions to the transformation of the nature of the state, and from artificial intelligences to the new normal instigated by the COVID-19 pandemic and the polycrises that have engulfed the world.

The real challenge, I think, derives from the capacity of public servants to keep up their intelligence quotient with the vast array of discourses that public administration throws up. The twenty-first century demands a public servant that is knowledgeable, intelligent, adaptable and a transformative leader with the preemptive capacity to articulate a vision, design a strategy and get things done. This challenge to the intelligent quotient of the public servant, like most issues, is again more crucial once we begin to speak about the postcolonial public servant caught within the dysfunctional grip of a postcolonial public service like Nigeria’s. This puts a double bind on such a public servant to do more in order to be able to live up to the national and global expectations of a twenty-first century public servant charged with the fundamental responsibility of crafting and implementing public policies with the tools of modern decision science.

One significant way, and a most difficult one at that, by which a postcolonial public servant and public manager in a country like Nigeria can keep abreast of the public administration discourse and the challenges of remaining effective sufficiently to man the new public service is to have an up-to-date reading list of books that embody the trajectories of the challenges, triumphs and directions of the public administration apparatuses, especially within a specific context. What I want to do within the limited space of this piece is to outline a few critical books that speak to how far public administration and the public service have advanced. And the methodology is to combine books that provide both global and national perspectives. This speaks to the necessity of inserting a public manager within a global-local context of operation that ensures that such a public manager can think globally and act locally with the discursive resources garnered from such critical intellectual and theoretical-practical resources.

The first book on my list is Zeger van der Wal’s The 21st Century Public Manager (2017). The book is fundamental because it is sufficiently situated in a time that captures the fundamental challenges of public administration in times of crisis (except that it is three years shy of one of the most fundamental challenges to humanity and public administration, the COVID-19 pandemic). However, the book recognizes that we live in a VUCA—volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—time; a VUCA environment that was aggravated by the pandemic and polycrisis the world, and public administration, are currently confronting. The author was motivated to write a book that demonstrates that “public administration matters.” It is a book that was “hands-on, actor-driven, and speaking to the daily life of public managers who often operate in tough circumstances.” And with the book, the author meant to “speak to (aspiring) public managers across the globe. A book that would take their issues, pains, and challenges but also their optimism, clever solutions, and coping mechanisms as a starting point…. A book, above all, that would take senior practitioners seriously by providing them with examples, perspectives, and strategies grounded in the latest research evidence and best practices while being accessible and actor-driven at the same time. A book, lastly, that would be relevant and timely to public managers in the developing as well as the developed world, in the West and the non-West.”

In chapter four, van der Wal enumerates what he calls the “seven clusters of demands, dilemmas and opportunities” that public managers need to think through to operate optimally within the VUCA administrative environment. The first demand is that of “managing stakeholder multiplicity.” The new governance space now carries the burden of a multitude of stakeholders with diverse and often ambiguous demands, attitudes and styles. The dilemma is how to design and deliver a coherent administrative and managerial vision to such a diverse audience. The opportunity however derives from the benefits of leveraging the unlimited channels and supports that come from such diverse audiences to push through policy goals. The second demand is “Managing authority turbulence.” This implies that an average public manager is caught within an authority matrix that limits her capacity to utilize her formal power to enact critical decisions. The dilemma for the public manager is that of how to demonstrate collaborative capacity, even with those lacking the requisite skills while still holding on to critical authority. And yet, there is the opportunity of shared accountability that comes from the collective ownership of policies and programmes. The third demand for the twenty-first century public manager is “managing the new work(force)”. The public manager is confronted with the changing nature of work itself, and with an emergent workforce that incorporates new workforce, new worldviews and new generations, from Gen Z to Generation Alpha. This new workforce consists of a young, educated, knowledgeable, tech-savvy and assertive citizenry with a mind of its own. The dilemma is that of how to accommodate this new idea of work(force) while pushing it efficiently to achieve service delivery. The opportunity comes from the ability to remove bureaucratic constraints while achieving performance and productivity.

The fourth demand is that of “managing innovation forces.” Innovation forces are the critical resources, especially innovative technologies, that a public manager requires to keep the public service system as optimal and efficient as possible. The challenge however is that of being as innovative and entrepreneurial as possible within the ambit of budgetary limitations and ambiguous expectations from the politicians and the public. The opportunity that faces the public manager is that of experimenting with newer and developing innovation to achieve effective policies. The fifth demand is “managing ethical complexities.” Public administration is now embroiled within a global ethical governance framework that is enhanced by digital technologies and the need for accountability and transparency. The public manager therefore faces pressure from politicians, citizens, global innovations, and so on. The challenge is that of how to manage the public service ethically while facing enormous scrutiny from multiple publics with competing value sets. The opportunity comes from leading ethically in ways that achieve bureaucratic legitimacy for the state. The sixth demand comes from “managing short versus long time horizons.” This situates the public manager within the need to respond to the need for short-term goals by politicians and long-term planning for overall institutional resilience. The opportunity is that of deploying scenario-building techniques and technologies to anticipate future challenges.

The last demand is “managing cross-sectoral collaboration.” This is demanded by the new governance space that involves new and multiple stakeholders and non-state actors. The public manager needs to mediate this space to achieve extensive buy-in and ownership of ideas and policies, generate financial assistances and expertise, and tap into innovative ideas. The dilemma is how to balance this partnership while managing trust and power relations.

In Reinventing Government: How the Entrepreneurial Spirit is Transforming the Public Sector (1992), David Osborne and Teed Gaebler make the critical case that government can follow the logic of performance that have transformed capitalist corporation into performing better and achieving more efficient productivity result. And to make government work more efficiently and productively, the authors argue that government needs to be reinvented through the sweeping away of all bureaucratic bottlenecks that had made government too cumbersome to achieve democratic governance. An entrepreneurial government, as they call it, envisions some broad social goals and objectives, put in place performance management systems that strategize about these objectives, and employ people to sign performance contract to achieve the goals.

Osborne and Gaebler envision the responsibility of government as that of steering and not rowing; government’s responsibility is not to deliver services, but to articulate strategies that will enable the service delivery function to be outsourced to private contractors. Reinventing Government follows up on the managerial revolution brought about by the new public management and the objective of making government more flexible, lean and effective for the sake of performance. It demands that the public manager must be more than a thermostatic administrator who is merely gauging the institutional temperature of the public service. She must be more of a leader; a manager who anticipates challenges and coaxes the public service into more entrepreneurial and innovative performances.

In the 2007 book, The End of Government…As We Know It: Making Public Policy Work, Elaine Kamarck takes on the thread of the need to rethink how government business should be pursued for better result. The end of government as we know it is the end of the idea of government circumscribed by a bureaucracy that encumbers government from performing. It is the end of the traditional Weberian framework of government and its deadweights of hierarchies and red tapes. In the post-bureaucratic state, argues Kamarck, government needs to get tools that will facilitate the right connection between policy design and implementation. These tools are categorized into three: reinvented government, government by network and government by market. All three are meant to get the public sector to work in ways that involve externalities and outsourcing modalities that enable government to achieve efficient performance.

In its 2011 publication, The Future of Government, the World Economic Forum provides more recent contents that sum up the institutional reform objective of bringing the idea of government up to the requirement of the twenty-first century. What the managerial revolution demands is that government must be FAST—flatter, agile, streamlined and tech-enabled. The traditional structure of the bureaucracy, being rigid, inward-looking and founded on outdated competencies, must be modernized in ways that make it more collaborative, transparent, flexible and participatory. In other words, government and its public service must reflect the demands articulated by van der Wal in The 21st Century Public Manager.

The key issue that links all the preceding publications is that of public value that the new public service must create as a response to citizens’ informed demands. This is the focus of Mark H. Moore’s Creating Public Value (1995). In the book, Moore “sets out a philosophy of public management—an idea of what we citizens should expect of public managers, the ethical responsibilities they assume in taking offices, and what constitutes virtue in the execution of their offices.” Within the new managerial imagination, the public manager is more than an administrator who is supposed to look downward in terms of “the reliable control of organizational operations; she is rather meant to look outwards “towards the achievements of valuable results” or upwards “towards renegotiated policy mandates.” A public manager therefore becomes an explorer who is concerned with discovering, defining and producing public value.

These preceding books and publications sum up the global dimension of the materials that ground the postcolonial public managers and the public servants, especially within the Nigerian public service system, within the demands of public administration as a universal endeavor concerned with what the government does and the paradigms, trajectories of discourses and methodologies by which government can become more efficient and more productive. However, this global managerial imagination must be reckoned within the context of the inherited public service system Britain bequeathed to Nigeria. In my inaugural lecture, Big Bad Bureaucracy: Reinventing the Bureaucracy as a New Public Service in Nigeria (2018), I took all these preceding books, as well as my many years as a critical insider in the dysfunctional public service system in Nigeria seriously. The publication therefore becomes a critical leeway into how the Nigerian civil service system, founded on the traditional Weberian institution, works in stimulating what I have called bureau-pathologies that have compromised the search for a workable developmental state in Nigeria, post-independence. And how an insider perspective could enable a proper understanding of what ails the system, what needed to be done and how to go about reinventing the government from an approach that is not just universal, like Osborne and Gaebler’s, or Kamarck’s or Moore’s; but one that is rooted in contextual administrative dynamics. This provides a situational context by which public managers in Nigeria could begin to relate to what these non-Nigerian administrative theorists are saying about the nature of government and the reinvented mandates of the public manager.

This therefore makes even more fundamental the administrative memoir as a cogent introduction to how Nigerian public managers and public servants navigated the dysfunctionality of the postcolonial system while striving for a more efficient and optimal public service that will instigate developmental planning and democratic governance. Two of such memoirs are crucial, in my reckoning: Chief Simeon Adebo’s Our Unforgettable Years (1984) and Tunji Olaopa’s The Unending Quest for Reform (2023). Simeon Adebo represents a critical administrative figure in the emergence and consolidation of the public service and public administration discourse in Nigeria. He was one of the founding pioneers that ushered in what has been called the golden age of public administration in Nigeria. Indeed, his administrative commitment in the old western region led to the formulation of the Awolowo-Adebo paradigm of the politics-administration dichotomy, one of the defining dichotomies around which public administration emerged. Adebo’s public service reform efforts constitute a key framework for rethinking the institutional rehabilitating and reinvention of the civil service system in Nigeria. On the other hand, The Unending Quest for Reform articulates a challenging reaction to the bureau-pathologies that ate up the civil service system after the pioneering efforts of Adebo and his cohorts unfortunately went into critical debilitation. The Unending Quest for Reform serves the function of outlining what I consider a philosophy of institutional reform founded on many years of not only participating in the dysfunction of the civil service system, but also researching its root causes and administrative and political trajectories from pre-independence to date.

I am recommending these books—of course there are more—as the first level of challenging the intellectual acumen of any public manager who is willing to place herself within the VUCA and postcolonial environments of the public service in Nigeria, and dare to be critical sufficiently to become a significant part of the reinvention of the new public service as a world-class institution for making democratic governance productive for Nigerians. It is best to end this reflection about public administration discourse and the books public servants could start reading with Pablo Neruda, the Chilean poet-diplomat and politician: “The books that help you most are those which make you think that most. The hardest way of learning is that of easy reading; but a great book that comes from a great thinker is a ship of thought, deep freighted with truth and beauty.”

. Olaopa, Professor of Public Administration, is the Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission,
Abuja.

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Opinion

Act Now To End Witchcraft Accusations And Ritual Attacks

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe
Dear Sirs/Madams,
This is an open letter to you, Emeritus Professors, Professors, Senior and junior lecturers, deans of faculties, heads of departments, and school teachers. I am writing because I feel heartbroken, disappointed, and betrayed. I write you because I believe, as educators, we are failing in our duty and obligation. I am writing to draw your attention to a disturbing and dangerous trend in our country: witchcraft accusations and ritual attacks. These practices are an ill wind that blows nobody any good. I urge you all to get involved in addressing this menace, campaigning against these harmful practices, and educating and enlightening the public. As you may have noticed, recently, our society has been witnessing a growing wave of attacks and killings linked to witchcraft accusations and ritual attacks. The situation is getting out of hand.
There have been rampant cases of abuse, savage acts, murder of suspected witches, and horrific killing of other human beings by ritualists. Men and women, youths and adults, children and elderly persons have been victims. The perpetrators have mainly been youths. These revulsive acts are motivated by misconceptions about nature and how nature works, by irrational and superstitious beliefs about causes of illnesses, death, and other misfortunes. These barbaric killings are motivated by mistaken ideas about wealth and riches, about how to make money or become successful. Witch hunting and ritual attacks persist because many people are deluded and have refused to confront and combat their delusions and superstitions. Witch hunting persists because many people believe strongly that human beings can turn into birds and cats, that human beings can harm others, and cause accidents and death through spiritual, magical, or supernatural means. These are nonsensical ideas, aren’t they? Ritual attacks take place in our society because many people believe in the potency and efficacy of ritual sacrifice of humans and animals. A notion that is outright hogwash!
Distinguished colleagues, you would agree with me that witch-hunting and ritual attacks persist due to the failure of our schools and teachers to educate and reorient the minds of our students, youths, and other members of society. We must admit that we have failed in our duty as educators and enlighteners of students and society. But we can rectify this failure, fix this problem, and combat the menace of witch hunts. Unfortunately, many lecturers and teachers hold and enable these superstitious beliefs. They reinforce these misconceptions in the minds of their students. Many lecturers are witch hunters; they are witchcraft imputing and exorcising pastors/imams or members of witch-hunting churches/mosques and shrines. Many teachers believe in ritual money, engage in ritual sacrifice, or sanction ritual beliefs and practices. They defend witch hunting and ritual sacrifice of humans and animals as a part of African culture. As intellectuals, we are complicit in this social menace. And our complicity constitutes a betrayal of intellectual and moral trust.
So, I urge you to have a change of heart and mind because our society is smoldering away due to superstitious nonsense. As intellectuals in a country like Nigeria, you are the people’s last and best hope. I urge you all to step forward and provide the intellectual and moral leadership that the situation urgently requires and help get our society out of this mess and danger.
There are two ways you can do this. First, before every lecture or class, remind your students that no one can harm or kill them through spiritual and supernatural means. Tell them nobody turns into a bird and flies out at night to harm others. Tell them that ritual money is fiction and has no basis in reason or reality. Second, liaise with the Advocacy for Alleged Witches to organize a seminar or a debate on witchcraft and ritual beliefs in your institution. Create opportunities for your students to discuss, challenge, and interrogate witchcraft and ritual narratives, exchange ideas, and share experiences.
Please, let’s begin to push back. Let’s start reorienting our students and youths for a better tomorrow.
Treat as urgent
Sincerely
Leo Igwe Ph.D (Bayreuth), Director, Advocacy for Alleged Witches, Affiliate Researcher, Institute of African and Diaspora Studies, University of Lagos. Research fellow, Institute for Policy Research and Integration in Africa, Freetown, Sierra Leone.
Tel 08130593605

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Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria

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Dooyum Dominic Ingye

By Dooyum Dominic Ingye

Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.

Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.

For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.

Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.

Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.

During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.

Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.

The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.

Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.

These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.

For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.

These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.

To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.

This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.

Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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