Opinion
President Tinubu And The Emerging Nigerian Ideal
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
I think that right from the very first and May 29 inaugural speech, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has set the ball rolling on reflections around what we can call the Tinubu Agenda for transforming the Nigerian state and society. Of course, most Nigerians are struggling with the ripple effects of the announcement, in the same speech, of the end to the fuel subsidy regime—something that the outgone Buhari administration had brokered before leaving. However, I believe the speech does more in outlining a preliminary set of thinking points than the microeconomics of fuel subsidy.
Inaugural speeches are often difficult to write. And this is because the one who is setting out the vision—in this case, the new president of the federal republic of Nigeria—is as yet sufficiently acquainted with the structural and institutional dynamics of the new office or status. And such a person does not really want to set a bad precedent in terms of what is not clearly seen yet. But then, an inaugural speech must be written and the tone must set out specifics that others, the readers and citizens, can take seriously as outlining the intentions of the one giving the speech.
However, Bola Ahmed Tinubu is no stranger to politics, and Nigerian administrative trajectory. He has been a student of Nigerian politics for as long as anyone could remember. He was there at some of the most turbulent periods in Nigerian history, especially the tough and dangerous times when democratic governance was struggling to be born. He was singular in the defining of good governance in Lagos State, and in the consolidation of the state’s infrastructural development and mega-city superstructure that other governors would later build on. Bola Ahmed Tinubu knows Nigeria.
And so, the speech touched on some of the most significant issues that we expect are critical to handling some of the major predicaments that the Nigerian state has been facing since independence. Unemployment and taxation are critical to the infrastructural and economic development of Nigeria, and the transformation of the well-being of Nigerians. And security is key to any progress a country might wish to make since it is within the ambit of law and order that a state could put all the variables of growth and development together. By touching on agriculture, the president hints at the fundamental issue of diversifying the Nigerian economy away from its monocultural dependence on crude oil in a global world that is fast moving away from such dependence.
From the opposition parties to many Nigerians, the traumatic experiences of protracted bad governance, in the last decades, demand extreme skepticism about what to expect from the new administration. And no one can beat one’s experience, especially for the past sixty-three years that the Nigerian state has been trying to make sense of Nigeria’s plural experience and underdevelopment. Or even for the last twenty-four years since we began the experiment with democratic governance. The last eight years of the last administration provide a layer of relative fresh failure, especially with the security architecture of the Nigerian state and how the security apparatuses failed to protect Nigerians.
And yet, we cannot succumb to hopelessness or cynicism despite the horrors of our underdevelopment and leadership failure. Hopelessness is existential death. It means that there is nothing to still live for. And Tinubu’s call for renewed hope should be seen as a call to stave off such hopelessness and death. Vaclav Havel, the former president of the Czech Republic, provides a profound statement: “Hope is not the conviction that something will turn out well but the certainty that something makes sense, regardless of how it turns out.” Hope does not mean you have to stop questioning the realities of your existence. But it definitely means that you have to focus your belief on something that makes sense. By calling for renewed hope, President Tinubu is asking that Nigerians focus on Nigeria as a phenomenon that makes sense; something worth hoping in; something worth fighting for.
And that is what democracy preaches—insistent hope that something good can still come out of the Nigerian state under a leadership that knows the right things to do and how to do them right. Every new administration speaks to the possibility of hope; the possibility of renewing hope around Nigeria and her greatness that has remained latent for sixty-three years. President Tinubu, in that inaugural speech, however, goes beyond just selling hope to Nigerians. He sells us also an ideal around which we can hang our collective hope; the ideal around which the Tinubu Agenda can be framed. He sells to us what he calls the “Nigerian Ideal.” This is a bold offering; almost like wanting to close the chapter on our pains and suffering—or even the governance failure of the past eight years, while opening up before us the circumference of a new vista of freshness, and what makes sense. An ideal always makes sense, something for us to believe in and yearn for and work to achieve.
“The human soul”, says Victor Hugo, the French Romantic writer and politicians, “has still greater need of the ideal than of the real. It is by the real that we exist; it is by the ideal that we live.” The distinction between existing and living is crucial to existentialism. Existing is just being there—like a stone or a tree; passively allowing several things to happen without participating in the happening. It would seem that our postcolonial experiences as Nigerians have put us in a place of merely existing and bearing the burden of our collective existence outside of any vision of a good life, like Aristotle outlined for all governments. Living, on the other hand, is doing more than just allowing the traumatic realities to happen to us. Living implies allowing the imagination to propose a framework of goodness, or the good life or good governance that we can vigorously work towards.
So, what is this “Nigerian Ideal”? It is a vision of what we want this Nigeria of multiple ethnicities and religions to be in a collective framework of national unity. The Nigerian Ideal is what we want, through political will and national zeal, to deploy Nigeria’s ethnic capital to achieving in terms of translating the diversity into a development performance. It is the vision of one Nigeria that is not reducible to the five principles highlighted by President Tinubu—rule of law, stability, economic growth, youth and women development, and anti-corruption—but is impossible without them. The Nigerian Ideal translates into the conscious efforts by the political class and Nigerians to recognize the ethnic differences that characterize us, and to harness these differences into a diversity management framework for moving Nigeria forward. This is why, even in linguistic terms, President Tinubu speaks more within the context of the collective “we” than in the solitariness of the “I”.
In sociological terms, rebuilding the broken walls of the Nigerian society is a joint and collective effort that transcends the negotiability of the Nigerian nation. And the first step in that regard is the willingness of the political class, represented by the President himself, to gamble on the development and nationhood of the Nigerian state. National integration, that is, the political realization of the Nigerian Ideal, comes at a cost: the cost is the elite suicide of the political class. Committing elite suicide simply translates into the political class deliberately refraining from playing bad politics with Nigeria’s future. Put graphically, the Nigerian Ideal emerges when we deliberately and systematically undermine the Nigerian Factor. The latter is our own ways of destroying our nation-building visions and strategies through corrupt living, impunity, bureau-pathologies, and many of the ways we live and transact in the Nigerian socioeconomic and sociopolitical spaces. Within the context of the Nigerian factor, our predicament is the result of a leadership and followership problem.
The irrefutable condition for achieving the Nigerian Ideal—and the President grounds it poetically—is living and working together in the trenches of our collective destiny. According to him, despite the trauma of what had happened to us in the past, “…we have shouldered the heavy burden to arrive at this sublime moment where the prospect of a better future merges with our improved capacity to create that future…. For me, political coloration has faded away. All I see are Nigerians.” And yet, the Nigerian Ideal, like the rise of civilizations and the progress of nations are driven by a few—those who can translate national visions into strategic governance that locks the citizens into a collective resolve to live and toil together under a national banner. Arnold Toynbee, in A Study of History, calls them the “creative minorities”—those who drive the engine of growth in ways that prevent stagnation and inspire the citizens to follow their lead and their policy innovation. This is the very core of the leadership challenge that many scholars, philosophers and political scientists in Nigeria have spoken about.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has outlined what we all consciously hope for. May the coming years see him give institutional and developmental teeth to the ideal by which we need to live and transform our lives.
. Olaopa, a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor of Public Administration.
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Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025Opinion
Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025By Dooyum Dominic Ingye
Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.
Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.
For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.
Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.
Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.
During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.
Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.
The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.
Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.
These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.
For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.
These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.
To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.
This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.
Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
Let me begin this essay with an open confession – by “open confession” I mean my saying it loud here about writing or speaking about this column’s present subject without difficulty. He is a man, a literary personage of distinction, whose writing span covers years upon years running into decades of verbal self-expression of longitude and latitude of dexterity. Where do I begin and end my scrutiny of Professor Emeritus Femi Osofisan – a distinguished literary scholar and professional of numerous parts that are more than numerous parts? He is a writer who is intimately concerned with imaginative literature; he is an academic/literary administrator; he is a theorist and critic; he is a playwright and dramatist; he is a novelist, biographer and short story writer; he is a newspaper columnist; he is a teacher and mentor; he is a poet, he is, he is a poet. In these listed parts and landscapes, so to say, in which we can rightly examine him without qualms, he so fittingly, so skillfully and so penetratingly distinguishes himself to the extent that we cannot or may not but see him as a literary personality whose stories constitute a story of how his imagination is kindled by experiences, that is, by happenings that were/are intrinsically insignificant and significant at the same time. What this means (to me) is that Femi Osofisan is one gem of a human being and a writer who appeals to me as a significant embodiment of our world, of our landscape, and his response to it.
Now my difficulty about writing about Femi Osofisan today should be apparent to my readers. I cannot possibly dwell on everything I have listed above – as important as they are because I really set out to view him as a poet, a well-languaged poet, of “a particularly wholesome or edifying matter of communication,” as TS Eliot would say. His two recent volumes of new and selected poems respectively called Remember Tenderness (Volume 1) and The Jeweller of Night (Volume 2: On Night and Life’s Mutations) represent faithfully and interestingly what Femi Osofisan (Okinba Launko – his pen name – in publishing the volumes) essentially means to me from my perspective or impression of the qualities of the poems that well define him as a considerable figure in the world of poetry and of letters generally.
In drawing my readers’ attention to Okinba Launko’s new and old offerings in this light exercise, I am not too certain if I should stick squarely to a run of the mill newspaper critique or do the run of the grain on a piece of wood reading distinct in a lavish manner from the former. Which one will delight my readers – my sophisticated and un-sophisticated readers – more? My rumination on the matter fetches me this answer: “Employ what inspiration fetches you to fit into the scheme of the length of time of your purpose and position at present.”
As a poet, what school of poetry does Okinba Launko belong to in our clime as his volumes reveal? Furthermore, what generation of poetry Okinba Launko’s volumes belong to – as the volumes equally reveal? What span of years do they cover or seem to cover in terms of the generations of poetry in our age and clime? These are weighty and difficult questions. I was a young man, a young under-graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria trying my hands at poetry and learning to hone my writing skills as a poet or would-be poet. Of course, at this time the great Chinua Achebe had published me in Okike, the very remarkable journal of new African writing he founded, and which is still existing. And my poems had appeared in Poetry From ABU edited by Brian F. Downes, an Irish, and one of our under-graduate lecturers who supervised my collection of poems which I submitted in my final year as the requirement for the Original Composition Course which I was the lone student allowed and expected to offer the course. I cannot remember at this time that I had encountered Femi Osofisan’s name or figure in the world of our literature. But something happened when the late novelist Kole Omotosho visited ABU’s English Department to deliver a lecture to us. After the lecture I remember asking him a question that bordered on the generation(s) of Nigerian Literature. I don’t remember that he answered the question to my literary or critical satisfaction. As the editor of the students’ Departmental literary magazine, The Mirror and one of the founders of ABU Writers’ Club, I was looking for masters outside the class or the generation of Achebe, Soyinka, JP Clark, Christopher Okigbo and others – who would stir us to write what we wanted to write. My stubbornly inquisitive insistence elicited Femi Osofisan’s name from him – but the poetry of the young Osofisan did not exist for me; it certainly did not ring a bell.
Let me relate another encounter. As an undergraduate, Onibonoje Publishers, Ibadan had accepted to publish several of my poems in an anthology – in which other poets – aspiring and established ones – would also be published. Just before I graduated Onibonoje Publishers sent me their contract papers which I duly filled, signed and dispatched to them. When I did not hear from them after a long time that was more than a pretty long time, after my NYSC year, and I was already in Zaria as a Graduate Assistant, I travelled to Ibadan. Who did I meet there in the publishers’ office – but Kole Omotosho? He told me after hearing my story that Femi Osofisan was the editor of the envisaged anthology committed to the kind of poetry that world allow young writers/poets to use their voices to lead other younger ones the use of their own voices in an original manner. Up to this moment, even though we had ceaselessly seen or met each other at different times, I had not raised the issue with Osofisan whose figure has since loomed large in our consciousness. (Kole Omotosho informed me then in Ibadan that Onibonoje Publishers had some publishing hiccups which I presumed was why the anthology did not eventually see the light of the day).
Now, why this lengthy tale? It is germane, from my point of view, to the matter of the generation of poetry Okinba Launko two volumes that are well-languaged belong to. If at the time I alluded to Femi Osofisan had not made a name as a poet, but as a play-wright and dramatist, can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a predecessor? And from another point of view can I, can we, regard his poetry as that of a contemporary? The year I mean in this reference to the master of drama and now of poetry after the generation of the big four – Achebe, JP Clark, Soyinka and Okigbo – is from 1975 on.
To be Continued.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
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