By Tony Afejuku

It is time to note that Remember Tenderness and The Jeweller of Night, the said two recent volumes which Kraftgriots and Mosuro Publishers, two Ibadan-based publishers, respectively issued, consist of poems which Femi Osofisan (Okinba Launko) himself picked, that is, selected, from his six earlier collections of poems. Let the gleaner list them as follows: Minted Coins (1987); Dream Seeker on Divine Chain (1992); Ire and Other Poems for Performance (1998); Pain Remembers, Love Rekindles (2000); Commemorations (2007); and Seven Stations Up the Tray’s Way (2013). The specially chosen or, ‘re-created’ or ‘re-assembled’ poems in each of the two aforesaid new titles compete for artistic beauty with some new ones respectively contained in the two recent volumes. As I intimated previously, I am not doing a routine, run of the mill essay or review, so I won’t aptly or un-aptly apply and amplify the routine mode here.

I am interested in amplifying Okinba Launko as a poet of heterogeneity which is totally evinced in his collections, and especially in and with particular reference to the two latest volumes, which enable the gleaner to examine with evincive exactitude the respective characteristic of the poems or of the volumes that depict Okinba Launko’s stature, growth and maturity. The logic of his arrangement or structure of the poems or of the volumes or of both illustrates our admiration for him as a well-languaged poet whose 1986 (when he wrote the first collection) (or 1987 when his first collection was published) poetic mind of early experience steadily grew to the maturity of middle age and beyond. Since 1986 or 1987 when Okinba Launko won the very first Association of Nigerian Authors Prize for Literature with Minted Coins, there has been a visible development in his collections. One collection announces another progressively up to the last one (as we witnessed in our study of the poetry of the English Romantic poet, John Keats). Specifically with respect to the two volumes of new and selected poems gaining my attention, there is a development visible in each new poem and from one poem to another as well as from each part of each volume to another. This development coupled with his manner to find expression to relate every experience or event or both that give stamp to his maturity at every stage as a poet makes him a unique and especially interesting poet whose well-languaged mind is fully evinced in each poem of his peculiar intensity of feeling. Of course, this is why he is Okinba Launko. At this point the gleaner sees that Dan Izevbaye, already quoted above, should be re-quoted copiously in order to couple Femi Osofisan with his pen name: “The unusual Yoruba name of the author of this collection of poems, Okinba (Royal-egret or King-egret) Launko (the-Honour-of-Writing or Honour-by-Writing), perhaps signifies his appreciation of the glory and fame that comes with creative writing. The names could also prepare the reader of this volume for the close interaction of the poet with nature and the modern urban environment, the main sources of the imagery by which he portrays the characters, evaluates the events, and expresses the emotions in his poems. As an African writing in a European language, this choice of name hints at his relation to other orders or guilds of artists, traditional and modern, African and European.” (TJON vii)

Dan Izevbaye’s eloquent prose which helps to guide the reader to read Femi Osofisan’s well-languaged mind as that of a Royal-composer who relishes the glory, fame and honour of the rhetoric of poetry cannot but debar me from interrogating the reasons why one of our pre-eminent poets adopted the humanist and honorific name of virtuous art as his non-de-plume. In any case, if he had stuck to his birth-name which we popularly know him by and with which he published his plays and scholarly essays, his fame and honour would not have been diminished in any way. Osofisan, to all intents and purposes, writes about subjects and different aspects of his life’s events elegantly in his philosophical ardour and gravity, and in a manner that divides his poetry into different codes of creativity that enhance his heterogeneous poetry. The codes range from the traditional, that is, Yoruba folklore or art of composition, Renaissance sharp logic and inquiring mind, Romantic freshness of feelings and thought to socialist consciousness and commitment derived from material afflictions that The Jeweller of Night in particular contains. As a man and poet of diverse literary friendships, he praises, satirizes and mocks as freely and judiciously as he heterogeneously borrows and adapts his verses to suit his art which he steadily renews and revises assiduously – as Remember Tenderness and The Jeweller of Night illustrate convincingly.

Femi Osofisan writes what I don’t hesitate to call triumphant poetry. So now I cannot but ask: Why did he use his non-de-plume to publish his collections? Was he afraid that his creative poetry would not receive the approval of his readers who had all the while appreciated and applauded his plays in print and on stage? Or should I go back to the point I raised much earlier concerning his not wanting to be identified as a poet when he was pursuing his career as a playwright and dramatist? I am after all interrogating the mind of our pre-eminent well-languaged poet, our Okinba Launko. In doing so am I contradicting myself again in view of my earlier critical deposition? The question cannot but be asked – based on what now I must hold on tightly to my chest, but which I will divulge in a theoretical and critical study currently being embarked upon on our subject and other Nigerian poets after my gleaning heart.

Remi Raji, one of our scholarly scholar-poets, whose generation of poets my pen definitely or conveniently cannot define, in his foreword to Remember Tenderness, among other things, says thus: “This collection of new and selected poems invites the reader to share in remembrance of friendships and dainty tales, of promises, of lovers’ trysts, of the vows, benediction and magic only made possible by the passion and vitality of love. Here indeed is a harvest of tenderness delicately served” (7). I am in agreement with Remi Raji. But I will go further than him to state that as a poet of the heterogeneous mind and mould, Osofisan’s love poems bear the marks of Yoruba folklore, of the Chilean poet Neftali Ricardo Reyes (non-de-plume Pablo Neruda), of the French Romantic poet Charles Baudelaire, of some English and non-English Romantic poets. I may be mistaken, but Femi Osofisan’s love poems convey themes and moods and feelings and emotions that enable the gleaner to liken him to other poets of other lands, other well-honed poets of other climes, apart from the ones I have listed, outside his time, bearing and compass. Yet the gleaner must be impertinent. Will or does Femi Osofisan’s love poems appeal to young readers and younger poets of the contemporary generation or only to middle age readers or past middle age readers? I will underline my impertinence by not answering the question. But misunderstand me not because the gleaner’s inspiration, yes, the gleaner’s inspiration, should not be misunderstood. The gleaner and his subject are in control of the Muse that separately inspires
them.

To be concluded next week.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

By Godwin Sogolo

The Toyin Falola Interviews are fast becoming the most interesting and valuable contributions to the discourse on Nigeria’s political and socio-economic predicament. On Sunday, 16th February, 2025, I was privileged to join in one of these interviews, featuring three of the most brilliant Nigerian professionals: Dele Farotimi, Rufai Oseni and Farooq Kperogi.

Naturally, those familiar with recent happenings as reported in the Nigerian social media, would have expected the conversation to focus, majorly or entirely, on the travails of Farotimi, following the publication of his book on the Nigerian judiciary. Well, that matter was mentioned, but only as an instance of the larger conflagration already engulfing the Nigerian state.

The bulk of the discussion centred on how Nigeria became what she is today. More specifically, the 200-plus discussants had various reasons including historical background, years of colonisation, poverty, illiteracy, ethnic diversity, etc. Many touched on the predicament of vulnerable Nigerians under the grip of a powerful political class and its oligarchic support base who thrive on impunity.

One of the common issues raised was the challenge of leadership, arising, specially, from Nigeria’s faulty electoral processes. For instance, it was, almost, generally agreed that in Nigeria “votes do not count” during elections, and that elections – whenever they hold – are so flawed that the citizens are never given the opportunity to choose their own leaders. Consequently, those who emerge by fraudulent means do not feel accountable to the electorate.

The issues of vote-buying featured prominently, the allegation being that Nigerian election venues have increasingly become trading arenas for the buying and selling of votes. In the end, the winners are simply the highest bidders. The logic is clear: having bought or captured the votes, what stops the politicians from buying or capturing the state, from putting the citizens into their pocket, and what stops them from locking their victims up at will? That, in brief, is the source of the impunity and oppressive tendencies among the nation’s politicians and state actors.

Nigerian political leaders are, on the average, power-drunk and have a high tendency of weaponising state instruments, including the military, police and the judiciary. They intimidate, harass and victimise vulnerable citizens for no justifiable reasons. All that would have been understandable, if the nation were still under colonial rule or in a military dictatorship, both of which we have since left behind. As far back as 1999, Nigeria embarked on the Fourth Republic, believing that we were embracing an acceptable democratic system, with the attendant values of all freedoms, human rights, the rule of law, protection from arbitrary arrest, etc., and all that is associated with any decent human society of the 21st century. How wrong!

Many of us, even the so-called educated elite, had the illusion that setting up the institutions of democracy – with a loud proclamation of its values – was all that was needed to be a democratic nation. And, we were totally blinkered from the historical fact that the same democratic institutions produced dictators such as Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. If these historical facts are too distant as a reference point, what about the recent election of Donald Trump of America who assumed office less than a month ago?

Was it not because Nigeria saw great value in the American republican system that we adopted it in 1963 as a replacement for the British parliamentary system? Yet, it has taken many decades to realise that “all that glitters is not gold”. Nigerians abreast with current affairs would recall that Trump, in preparation for his second coming, carefully mapped out his strategies for capturing the presidency. The method he adopted was to deploy raw cash and strength. That is why he gathered the wealthiest men in the world: Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, Tim Cook, Jeff Bezos, Rupert Murdock and others.

True, Western politicians have always condemned the role of oligarchs in the politics of other regions, especially, Russia, but, it has all been a game of hypocrisy. In any case, Trump has always been a great admirer of the Russian leader, Vladimir Putin, who had his first taste of the Russian presidency as far back as 1999, following the resignation of Boris Yeltsin. And, when Trump said, openly, during the campaigns for his second election to the White House that he admired Putin, and that he would be a dictator on day-one, many thought the man was joking.

Yet, when Trump assumed office last month, he immediately embarked on a rash of decisions which include the deportation of undocumented immigrants; cancellation of birth-right citizenship; arbitrary imposition of tariffs against friends and adversaries; changing of names of locations, for example, from Gulf of Mexico to Gulf of America, etc. And, like a true oligarch, Trump declared his intentions to buy or acquire independent sovereign nations, including Panama, Iceland and Gaza. For Trump, sovereign nations are purchasable commodities, insofar as the buyer can afford to pay! More than ever, I am convinced that excessive money in the possession of some men induces madness.

Again, if America sounds too distant, come home to our own democracy. Haven’t we heard about State Governors who were able to acquire almost the entire properties of their States or political leaders who stretch their acquisitive urge to national monuments?

The difference between the American situation and ours is that the former has an inbuilt capacity to repel aberrations while we do not. The Constitution of the United States is 237 years old. Over the years, the document has undergone rigorous tests; regular scrutinies, reviews and modifications by experts, through legal proceedings and judicial pronouncements. By undergoing these processes, the American Constitution purges out whatever or whoever contradicts its fundamental principles. Therefore, if Trump or whatever he does, is in conflict with the Constitution, he or his actions will certainly be thrown out, no matter how long it takes.

Another difference between the American system and that of Nigeria is that the former thrives on the rule of law which protects the weak and vulnerable while in our clime, the rule of law operates only for those who can afford it.

Note that reference to the American situation, here, is only in passing, as our focus is on the predicament of Nigerians. As we approach the 2027 general elections, one can only hope that Nigerians will have the opportunity to elect leaders of their choice. It means that, by that time, fraudulent elections would have been a thing of the past, and that ballot snatching, and vote buying would have stopped.

It is also worth stating that vote trading is an affair between two parties: the buyer and the seller. Without one, there cannot be the other. Therefore, while the corrupt politician is culpable in offering to buy votes, the electorate have the moral obligation to reject the offer which amounts to selling his/her conscience, mandate and future of generations to come.

However, one has to evangelise this message with a great deal of caution, knowing the devastating damage done to the integrity and moral judgement of Nigerians by extreme poverty. Will Dele Farotimi, Rufai Oseni or Farooq Kperogi go to the polling unit on an election day to offer an alternative means to starving Nigerian electorate prepared to sell their votes, and if so, how many poor Nigerians can these men rescue? Herein lies the national predicament.

Godwin Sogolo, Emeritus Professor of Philosophy, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja.

By Toyin Falola

Wetin Musa no go see for gate! ‎

The true hallmark of a successful government is not limited to the grand policies it drafts or the eloquent promises made during election campaigns. Sure, those look great on paper (and even better on billboards), but the objective measure of success lies in its priorities. A government’s focus reveals its true objectives—actions speak louder than manifestos. It would be ironic if a government claims to prioritize poverty alleviation and tackling unemployment yet spends lavishly on refurbishing official residences and upgrading motorcades.

If people struggle to make ends meet, should the most significant concern be the thread count of government office curtains or the latest model of bulletproof SUVs? Priorities matter, and they tell the real story—far more than well-crafted political speeches ever could. This is the current reality for Nigerians, as we have witnessed countless government policies that seem to embody misplaced priorities.

The paradoxical part? The people are not expecting the government to wave a magic wand and instantly transform the nation. We understand that actual progress and development take years of consistent efforts. However, the foundation of that progress lies in how policies are designed and implemented. When priorities are misaligned, even the best intentions fall flat. The question is not whether change can happen overnight—it is whether the steps being taken today are leading us in the right direction.

Yet again, we witness another striking example of misplaced priorities—the proliferation of mass weddings. This initiative is designed to sponsor hundreds of individuals as they tie the knots with their beloved, courtesy of state funds. The concept is not new. Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, who ran for president and was Kano State Governor, introduced this scheme during his eight-year leadership period. A decade removed from state office because of his troubled relationship with former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje ended with Kwankwaso in the spotlight for attending a large mass wedding of 1,800 couples in 2023. The government under Abba Yusuf organized this expensive event, which cost 854 million naira, leading to serious concerns about governance and public service priorities. Much of the public media viewed this as nothing more than electioneering—a strategic move by Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso to win public favour through the platform of Abba Yusuf, support he undoubtedly needed as he set his sights on leading the country.

The current administration has reintroduced mass weddings into its budget and secured legislative backing, with the Kano State House of Assembly officially signing it into law. This year, the program is set to cost a staggering 2.5 billion naira. What is the rationale behind this initiative? To the propaganda machine, it is to curb indecency, reduce the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and lower the rate of extramarital pregnancies in Kano. The state government has declared it would galvanize efforts to improve human capital. If, by this new definition, human capital development now translates to mass weddings and an increased birth rate in the state, then the government is undoubtedly on track and appears to have found the perfect compass to navigate such endeavours. Bravo!

The government’s intention may be well-founded in its logic, but the approach leaves much to be desired. When viewed from a broader perspective, mass weddings inevitably lead to mass childbirths and larger families. The critical question then arises: how will these families be sustained? Many beneficiaries of this initiative are already struggling financially. Adding more mouths to feed without a transparent economic support system further deepens their poverty. While the government has provided stipends to prospective brides to start small-scale businesses, the reality is that these funds are meagre and unsustainable in the long run.

The Kebbi State government has now joined the trend, announcing its plan to sponsor mass weddings for 300 couples, a venture that will cost the state 54 million naira—excluding the additional expenses for free laboratory tests covering pregnancy, genotype, and infectious diseases for the prospective couples. Scheduled for February 27, 2025, this mass wedding is far from a one-time event. Similar ceremonies have been held in Kebbi before, and the incumbent governor, Nasir Idris, has vowed to keep it as a recurring program under his administration. Like the Kano State government, Kebbi’s administration has not left the couples empty-handed, providing foodstuffs and furniture to help them settle into their new lives.

But here is the real puzzle: how does the government expect that a few handouts will ensure these families’ long-term survival and stability? Marriage is a lifelong commitment, not a single-day event. Imagining a few bags of rice and a new couch as a sustainable economic plan is pretty brain-peeling. This is hardly the right strategy for fostering human capital development. Actual progress lies not in ceremonial gestures but in establishing systems that create real, long-term opportunities that empower individuals to lift themselves out of poverty rather than be trapped in a cycle of dependence. It is evident that while these governments may have well-intended goals to attain short-term political applause, their actions risk becoming a harbinger of deeper poverty in the state. If history has taught us anything, economic hardship often breeds social unrest. We may soon witness a surge in prostitution and other social vices—not as a moral failing but as a desperate response to survival.

The bitter truth is that desperation thrives where hunger persists. A hungry man is, undeniably, a desperate man. When these newly formed families cannot meet their basic needs, many will be forced into disdainful acts just to get by. Ironically, the initiatives to curb these societal issues offer only temporary relief. The existing economic framework fails to support these temporary solutions, which will bring about severe social deterioration due to the country’s critical economic situation.

Struggling citizens need economic support from government-led structural development instead of marriage prioritization. Nothing stops the government from redirecting these resources toward skill acquisition programs or agricultural investments, which would offer long-term benefits. Agriculture remains one of the most lucrative industries in Northern Nigeria. Rather than funding mass weddings, the government could have established an agricultural relief fund to boost farming activities, providing a sustainable source of income for countless individuals and families. With economic stability in place, those who genuinely desire marriage could take that step on their terms, knowing they can provide for their families. After all, marriage is not just about the wedding day but the lifelong commitment to sustenance, security, and stability.

As long as the government continues prioritising trivial matters and temporary fixes instead of addressing the root causes of our challenges, the country will remain trapped in this deplorable state as a nation. We need authentic leadership that makes better decisions and follows through on its promises. Manifestos should not be mere campaign anthems; they should serve as actionable blueprints for governance.

At sixty-four years of independence, a nation should have a clear sense of direction, with well-established structures to preserve and actualize its priorities. Yet, Nigeria still operates as though it is in the nascent stages of self-governance, a reality that speaks volumes of stagnation rather than progress. The government owes the people more—and it can do more. We need structured, strategic agendas that tackle the real issues, drive sustainable development, and create meaningful progress. The future of the nation depends on it. What is needed is the mass recapitalization of poor citizens and not mass weddings to produce mass children without great futures.