Opinion
Reformed Civil Service Commission: Comparative Lessons for Nigeria
Published
3 years agoon
By
Tunji Olaopa
The emerging fourth industrial revolution is transforming the human world in ways that could not have been envisaged by the other three industrial revolutions on which the march of human civilization depended. Based on its fusion of the biological, physical and digital worlds of humans as well as the emergence of radically new technologies—artificial intelligence, internet of things, cloud computing, robotics and advanced wireless technologies, the fourth industrial revolution is reshaping human endeavors in fundamental ways that have transformed expectations about how our world should be organized in more efficient and productive ways. The unraveling of the fourth industrial revolution, in specific terms, therefore ties into the governance activities of governments across the world to facilitate democratic governance in ways that deploy the benefits and efficiencies of the new technologies for the wellbeing of the citizenry. The fourth industrial revolution therefore reinforces the acute and defining relationship that already exists between the states and their public service. This is to the extent that with the new technologies, the public service has now been placed at a point of significantly altering its capability readiness to deliver on the policy aspirations of the governments.
All across the globe, the public service has been undergoing tremendous institutional reforms that are meant to bring it up to speed in terms of the modernizing of its regulations, processes, infrastructures and operations. This is to the extent that it might be brought up to date in its attempt at achieving a democratic service delivery to the citizens who are the end users of its efficient implementation of policies of governments. The modernizing of the public service takes on an added significance within the African continent and especially with states like Nigeria still struggling to make development and governance enabling for the transformation of the lives of the citizens. In most of these states, the public service still operates the Weberian bureaucratic system and culture that are less than optimal in terms of performance and productivity. But much more than this, modernizing the public service concerns the totality of the effort to restore and enhance its reputation as a vocation—a priestly calling charged with transforming the quality of life of the citizens everywhere democratic governance is in place. Thus, with the fourth industrial revolution, and especially the changing character of work across the globe, the public service is being served the opportunity to rescue itself and its agelong significance as the human face of the state to make meaningful impact in its effective and efficient intervention in the welfare and wellbeing of the people of a state.
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Making the public service more vocational and more efficient immediately implicates the capacity of the civil service commissions, the gatekeeper of public service public-spiritedness and professionalism, to be more efficient in its gatekeeping responsibility. The civil service commission (CSC) regulates the recruitment and appointment on the basis of a meritocratic principle that ensures that both the government and the public service have the best of candidates with the capacity to function efficiently. As an agency instituted by legislative approval, the CSC is given the constitutional authority to regulate the conditions of employment and service for the civil servants, including recruitment, promotion, transfer, discipline and the guarding of the values that define the public service. In Nigeria, the significance and role of the Civil Service Commission become fundamental not only as a gatekeeper of civil service values, ethos and professionalism, but more significantly as a strategic framework that harnesses and reinforces the existing professional and administrative capacities, competences, and high-end expertise of the office of the head of service (OHCS), establishment, manpower development institutes (MDIs) and pension offices to implement the institutional reform dynamics that is at the very heart of the government change agenda. And this implies that the CSC is also a candidate for reform itself. In other words, to be able to implement the institutional reform that would transform the public service, the CSC must allow itself to be transformed by the reform dynamics.
One significant means for getting reform right is to facilitate best practices learning and sharing across the globe that speaks to the modernizing of the CSC in constitutional, structural and institutional terms, and adopting and adapting them for Nigeria’s peculiar administrative context. And these best practices are not all too strange because they have been crafted within the commonality of the Commonwealth administrative practice and its template of the British colonial administrative legacy. How have other countries who are struggling with development and the modern impulse attended to the urgent need to transform the public service optimal efficiency through the reform of the CSC?
The first insight derives from the reform experience of the United Kingdom and the independence of her CSC from the influence of the UK government. To be able to achieve its responsibility as the go-between between the government and the public service, the CSC ought to be undergirded by the values of transparency, integrity, objectivity and impartiality. And these would be compromised when the regulatory activities of the CSC are oversighted by the government itself or is managed with less than a professionalized CSC secretariat. The Constitutional Reform and Governance Act of 2010 established the UKCSC on a statutory basis to be independent of both the government and the civil service. On the contrary, the experience of the CSCs in Nigeria puts to question the significance of such independence in manner that seems contrary to the provision of Section 158(1) of the Nigerian Constitution.
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Section 44 of the Public Service Act (1999) states clearly that the Australian Public Service Commissioner is mandated to annually submit a report to Parliament on the performance of the Australian Public Service. The report speaks to the current state of the public service and its performance efficiency as well as the workforce dynamics and its capability readiness. Each year, the report by the commissioner submits an assessment based on specific themes. The 2018-19 State of the Service Report was prepared around the themes of culture and capability. Such a state of the service report indicates in the Australian case—as it ought to in the Nigerian case if it were to exist—that there ought to be an eternal vigilance on the performance of the public service for which the CSC emerged in the first place. The absence of such a regular annual report seems to demonstrate an absence of a proper regard for the significance of oversight over the governance of the public service.
To be able to perform its gatekeeping responsibilities seamlessly, the Federal CSC specifically, needs to define an institutional relationship with other public institutions, especially the National Assembly, the Ministries, the OHCSF, and the state CSC. These relationships are fundamental solely for the sake of institutional accountability. In other words, the proper regulation of the civil service also depends on how the FCSC is able to relate with cognate institutions and structures involved in making the civil service work efficiently and better. The Iraqi and Australian CSC prepare annual reports for their Parliaments to scrutinize, debate and outline resolutions for the implementation of the recommendations of the FCSC. And even though it reports to the Parliament, the Iraqi CSC, like the UK’s, is financially and administratively independent. Unlike the Iraqi and Australian FCSC, the Nigerian FCSC is still hampered by constitutional constraints that lock its operation in some administrative rigidities without proper modelling of FCSC-OHCSF-MDAs strategic human resource policy and governance shared responsibilities and commitment in enabling the overall performance of a developmental state.
Within the framework of her Civil Service Reform Programme (1987-1993), the Ghanaian Public Service Commission introduced a Performance Evaluation System in 1992, and a Performance Agreement System in 1997. The PES and the PAS became necessary within the deficiency of the earlier annual reports and financial audits that were fraught with credibility abuses that undermined genuine assessments. By 2012, and still within its continuing efforts to learn from its administrative lapses and errors and keep rolling with the curves of efficiency, the Ghanaian Public Service Commission, in collaboration with stakeholders and the Australian Public Service Commission, developed a Performance Management Policy for the Public Services of Ghana. This policy seeks to provide a more integrative and objective instrument that deploys rewards and sanctions for achieving performance management and monitoring. This Ghanaian innovation speaks about the crucial relationship between the CSC and other nodal points of the human resources management policy architecture, governance and dynamics in the civil service. The HR function is therefore key to the CSC’s regulation of the civil service for performance and productivity. The challenge is moving from personnel to a strategic HRM framework that will institute a performance management system like Ghana’s in performance assessment of especially the senior civil service cadres.
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While the FCSC has a Human Resources Management Department, divided into two divisions—Appointment, Promotion and Discipline (APD) and Staff Welfare and Training, the Commission’s core mandate is still locked within the old personnel management tradition. The Ghana Public Service Commission example for instance speaks to the need for a proactive policy intelligence on the part of the FCSC which, unlike the Indian CSC, is not restricted to a mere advisory role in the recruitment, training, transfer and discipline of the civil servants. This implies that a creative policy like the performance management policy will encompass comprehensive guidelines, statements and manuals (rather than piecemeal circulars and memos) that address and standardize rules and regulations concerning entitlement, discipline, leave, training, performance, etc. The IPPIS is a unique human resource dynamic backend, that happily plays into the FCSC’s aspiration for transparency and integrity in the pubic service. However, beyond the programmatic framework of the system, the IPPIS needs to be drawn into a wider human resource audit that encompasses the entire public service into workload, competences and gaps assessments.
The Federal Civil Service Commission of Nigeria has come a long way in its objective of gatekeeping the vocational integrity of the public service in Nigeria. However, it still has a long way to go in terms of adapting to global and regional best practices that will position it better in salvaging the lost glory of the public service in Nigeria. the critical issue is whether the administrative will to adopt and adapt these practices is available, rather than the paucity of the practices themselves.
Olaopa is a former Federal Permanent Secretary , and Professor of Public Administration, National Institute for Policy & Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos.
tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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