Opinion
Religious Identity, Muslim-Muslim Ticket, And the 2023 Elections
Published
3 years agoon

By Tunji Olaopa
I grew up within a cultural context that grounded Ali Mazrui’s triple heritage thesis: that Africa has arrived at a stage where three fundamental cultural influences – Euro-Christian, Islamic and traditional African – are locked in mutual relations. This context permitted the mutually beneficial and respectful relationship my great grandfather who was a Christian and my great grandmother, a Muslim had. It was a mutually reinforcing reciprocity that saw both husband and wife assisting each other’s belief system, and combining the core moral insights of their religions to the moral upbringing of their children. For those familiar with my commentaries, it should be obvious that I significantly embody the ecumenical spirit that my grandparents and parents demonstrated in relating with one another and within their cultural contexts.
What I just related is an example from a small corner of the larger Nigerian society, which is replicated in some other village or town contexts all across. The Nigerian polity displays something different, as the current agitation and outcry over the religious affiliations of presidential and gubernatorial aspirants demonstrate. This agitation for religious representation is not a new one. It has been a formidable part of Nigeria’s political development, from Awolowo down to MKO Abiola’s June 12 political saga. In other words, Nigeria’s political class has always been entrapped within a mindset that facilely insists that religious affiliations matter in the determination of the success or failure of any political positions. This matter of religious identity of political aspirants is receiving renewed and more frightening dimension against the background of national fear, especially about an alleged Fulanization or jihadist agenda that might have been playing out in Nigeria in the past seven years or so. This fear is given some backing by ostensible permissiveness with which the Federal Government has been handling the rampaging criminalities of the Boko Haram insurgents, herdsmen-farmers carnage, as well as the sundry banditry and kidnapping that have made Nigeria a most insecure place to live.
As 2023 approaches, the political space is already on fire over the religious affiliations of the three presidential candidates and their nominated vice-presidential running mates. For the APC, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu has chosen Senator Kashim Shettima, a fellow Muslim. In the PDP, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku, a Muslim, chose Ifeanyi Okowa, a Christian from Delta State. Peter Obi, on his own, picked a northern Muslim as his running mate. This leaves Tinubu with the most troubling Muslim-Muslim ticket. For those who are concerned, especially the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and others, a Muslim-Muslim ticket is a slap on the face of Nigeria’s religious dynamics. This dynamic is represented across the entire six geo-political zones of Nigeria, from the south-east with an all-Christian tickets in all the states, to the north-west with an all-Muslim tickets, and all the other zones with a mixed configuration.
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The fundamental question is how religion became such a substantive issue that determines electoral success. This question is all the more so within the vaunted secularity of the Nigerian state. The secular creed not only separates between state and religion, but also denotes religious beliefs and faith as personal and private. The implication of this is that religious belief must not be taken as having any critical role to play in the public sphere where people’s credentials transcend their faith. My credentials as of, say, a neurosurgeon, should absolutely have nothing to do with my faith. Being a Muslim or Christian does not add to the competence I possess in dealing with the human brain. But of course, we know that Nigeria is not really a secular state. Like ethnicity, successive governments have discovered religion as a divisive mobilizing weapon. Once the Federal Government began to subsidize pilgrimages for both Christians and Muslims, religion had escaped the private space into the public for Nigerian politicians, fueled by those who take religion ever so seriously.
The significance placed on religion flies in the face of the most fundamental issue in party politics—electoral victory. Politicians enter into electoral competitiveness to win elections and gain political power. And in doing that, their most significant calculation has to do with what possible political iterations could get them the positions they covet. Religion is just another variable in the mix which does not always count. Thus, if Shettima, for instance, were to be a strong Christian who can deliver the north, Tinubu would still have made that choice. The main issue is the figure of Shettima and his capacity to deliver a large number of votes for Tinubu and the APC. The Muslim-Muslim ticket chosen by Tinubu, or the “balanced” ticket of the other two aspirants, are pure political expediency. Politicians want to win elections at all costs. And Tinubu is no less of a politician in this regard; he is in the race to win.
With 2023 looming, and with all the outcries, we really have an opportunity to get our electoral sensibility and the future of Nigeria right. And that means deep reflections on several issues, beginning from the constitutional provision for active secularity in the Nigerian constitution. Similar to so many of its provisions, the Constitution is contradictory on the issue of religion in public life. While Section 10 states categorically that “The Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion,” there are also several provisions, under the “Fundamental Directives,” that direct the government to facilitate the enjoyment of religious benefits. Thus, the Nigerian state is not adequately secular in maintaining a strict distance between religion and the state. Of course, secularism itself is under siege even in societies that have secular credentials. That is not to say Nigeria cannot determine her own secular construct in ways that respect her realities.
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The second issue is a serious national reorientation on the idea of religion as the care of the soul, rather than as a political positioning. And this requires the attention of the clerics from the major religions. It should be noted that CAN is not innocent in the accentuation of religion into a national issue in the Nigerian polity, and that is most unfortunate. Christians and Muslims alike will benefit if the country is under the leadership of those who are sufficiently competent to govern. The religious identity of these people does not in any way matter. We all need to care more about genuine credentials that guarantee governance potential, rather than heating up the polity over whether a politician is a Christian or a Muslim. It should bear noting that the African traditionalists amongst us have not joined the fray in demanding the representation of their religious identity. Maybe that has a lot to do with the inherent expansiveness of African traditional religions. Turning religion into political positioning abandons its significant essence as a private enterprise. Much more than this, it injects it into a situation where it does not serve any governance purpose. Is there a calculus to determine whether a Christian will govern better than a Muslim?
It is in this light that we should see the choices of the aspirants. Indeed, from some perspective, there is a sense in applauding the courage of Tinubu in damning the possible consequences of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in the pursuit of the political calculation that will get him victory in the coming elections. If he wins, perhaps Nigerians would be convinced that it was time to lay to rest the spurious place that we have given to religion and religious affiliation in our national life. Afterall, we have a precedent in the bold calculation of MKO Abiola and the choice of Alhaji Babagana Kingibe that gave us the June 12 victory like no other in Nigeria’s political development. It would seem that we did not learn the lesson then, that political leadership should be about who can improve our wellbeing, rather than their religious beliefs.
And this brings me to the third issue that calls for deep concern as we approach the 2023 elections. This is the rethinking of the role of ideology and issue-based campaigning in party politics. As the campaign season picks up, the focus unfortunately has remained on the religious identity of the aspirants and their running mates. There is also a lot of focus on mobilizing Nigerians to get their permanent voters’ cards. But then, what do the PVCs achieve if we are all clueless about what the aspirants are bringing to the table? What makes them electable if not their programs, founded on specific ideological and practical frameworks and dynamics? This ought to be the seasons for debates and discourses around specific issues on how to fix Nigeria, and programs that should make life qualitative for Nigerians. How will the aspirants deal decisively with insecurity in Nigeria? What about micro- and macro-economic policy concerns? The naira is in a freefall already! What about education, and especially the fate of higher education as the source of qualitative human capital development? What ideological orientation will enable the aspirants attend to public service reform?
READ ALSO: Muslim-Muslim Ticket And Politics Beyond Religion In Nigeria
These are the real issues around which we need to put the aspirants’ toes over the fire. If we fail to grill them on significant issues and their blueprints for making life better for us, our prayers will then not be enough when they fail. Even God will think us shockingly silly.
.Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS), Kuru, Jos.
tolaopa2003@gmail.com
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Opinion
Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa
Published
1 day agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.
The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.
One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?
Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.
That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.
As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.
For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.
Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.
Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.
This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.
Igwe, PhD, was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.
Opinion
Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks
Published
1 day agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.
Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.
Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.
Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

By Toyin Falola
Our university is now an adult at 20!
About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.
At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.
Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.
In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.
Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.
These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.
Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.
A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.
To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.
Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.
The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.
However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.
The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.
At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.
As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.
Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.
Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.
For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.
. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.
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