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Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s “Republic Of Letters”: The Troubles Of Tremblement

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Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

I was catching up on my reading list in a lounge, awaiting a long flight to New Zealand, when the new manuscript by Professor Ndlovu-Gatsheni arrived by email. The title was fascinating, “Turmoil in the Republic of Letters.” The twelve chapters are half theory, half narrative, framed in terms of ideologies and structures, all embedded in the domain of knowledge. I intend to introduce an unpublished manuscript to generate a conversation within an ecosystem of decolonization.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s recent interrogation of global affairs has led to the uncovering of a fact worth learning from for the re-imagination of thoughts and the reevaluation of resurfaced ideals which a large body of human family has been immersed in or confronted with for a long time. Although scholars of different ages and identities have talked about capitalism and, of course, its overbearing influence on global culture, the dimensions from which this is viewed by Ndlovu-Gatsheni call for a deepened examination. Capitalism has ceded power to the unbridled powerbrokers who are perpetually committed to the invasion of every human endeavour for control.

Of course, control remains primal in the engagements of capitalist activities as it confers on them the power to determine and even intensify the problems available in the human world. Meanwhile, when it borders on material production and distribution, one’s moral intuition is not expected to protest this condition in a very dramatic manner because it appears that humans are actually required to produce something so that they can expect a level of return on their investment. However, when such production is now weaponized to ooze only exploitative habits for which it would be systematically difficult for humans to enjoy the sanity of existence, then capitalism would be seen as a clog which stands in the way of actual human liberation. But then, in modern times, capitalists have extended their domain of activity. They have advanced their desires by seeking to control knowledge or epistemic traditions of people for obvious reasons.

The modern state has become another viable agency infested with the consuming desires of control, which necessitated their appropriation of capitalist adventures to control and determine what occurs even in the domain of knowledge. In essence, knowledge production has encountered a once-in-a-lifetime issue in that any epistemic tradition that challenges the foundations of these hegemonic knowledge systems is marked for fierce demolition in a bid to protect the status quo. By making unrelenting attempts to control knowledge (re-)sources and content that people consume, the capitalist frontline ideologues are trying to restrict the general democratic ethos that has been maintained for generations about knowing and understanding. Apparently, when your process of knowing is tampered with, it goes without saying that what you assume to know cannot be a genuine representation of knowledge as it has been subjected to a malaise of control, making it impossible for humans to enjoy their humanity.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni reckons in this manuscript that the capitalists, meanwhile, have the tools required to pursue their devious ambition at their disposal. With the proliferation of media platforms in contemporary times, it becomes relatively easier for the triangulation of epistemic debates in ways that would only accentuate disingenuous aspirations. As such, truth in contemporary times becomes further elusive. Ndlovu-Gatsheni is concerned, as so is everyone familiar with the destructive politics of epistocratic governance, that this condition would inevitably lead to tremblement in the domain of knowledge everywhere in the globe.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni raises a very critical opinion that is worth sharing. In the age of capitalist adventures, the roles played by social media cannot be overemphasized. People challenge others by throwing every modicum of moral principle to the thin air. You are exposed to cancel culture for speaking differently on general topics. You ultimately become a target of verbal abuse and traumatic bullying when you raise your voice against obvious injustices. By ushering into existence a culture of naming dissenters, the capitalist industry has set up a foundation for the annulment of ideas which contradict their own. This has led to the policing of knowledge and ideas, even human thoughts, to the extent that they begin to doubt the authenticity of their ideological convictions. At the forefront of their attacks against every other epistemic identity is the fact of condemning the foundation of their knowing in ways that would make them reduce their confidence in themselves. Without the ability to consolidate what they know by other verifiable agencies, all of which have been subjected to a number of attacks, tremblement becomes inevitable because not only do the affected become disturbed by the awareness of their vulnerability, but they also become more traumatized in the game because they are indeed at the end of the bargain with no power of their own. The general atmosphere of knowledge, which has welcomed ideas and contributions from people since the beginning of time, is now witnessing constant threats leading to their systematic disorganization and declining of their confidence.

Some measure of understanding about the efficacy of an all-encompassing tradition of resistance rooted first in decoloniality and the knowledge that capitalist conundrums would receive commensurate backlash has erupted volcanic tremblement in the camp of the oppressors with the knowledge that the successful indoctrination of marginalized minds to a consciousness that challenges domination, hegemonies and all kinds of control would spell doom for their efforts towards homogenization of thoughts and the centralization of ideas. In the deployment of their well-loaded weaponry, they have sighted failure and realized it is possible for the continual weakening of their stronghold. This has, therefore, necessitated the aggressive intensification of their efforts towards the dislocation of potential alternatives, demonstrated in how they are fond of naming dissenters to reduce their legitimacy and undermine their authority. In essence, the tag of various -isms which have been invariably deployed against dissenters in modern times is geared towards the instantiation of their thoughts by infuriating existing systems meant to challenge their propositions, positions, postulations and proliferation. Ndlovu-Gatsheni takes no prisoner when he argues that tremblement, much as it has a grave effect on the Global South, which has been perpetually marginalized, equally has foreboding and tremendous consequences for the initiators of this attack. This cannot be overemphasized, considering the awareness that the tradition of silencing others sustains the hegemonic dominance.

Meanwhile, they have devised the ways through which the volatility of their insouciance can be managed, if not masked entirely. The global power dynamics lean towards multiplicities, pluralities and diversities to the extent that anything which the indigenous people produce, the subaltern and the voiceless would fulfil a liberatory mandate in ways that would alleviate the fears of the non-fundamentalists who are fronting divisive and abusive relationship that could enable them to have their ways. In essence, it is not strange that the accelerating pace of misinformation and even disinformation in contemporary times is a deliberate attempt to disturb the landscapes of epistemic democracy so that it would be uncomfortable for the institutionalization of thoughts that would emancipate anyone outside the ideological geography of capitalism. By deliberately orchestrating the venom from the social media platforms, the intention is to challenge the legitimacy of traditional knowledge production centres and make their position doubtful, if not entirely questionable, in order that it would lose its authority to uncontested information wielding to warrant its maximum functioning in the current time. In essence, the sharer of information on the media is not particularly concerned about the reliability of information, and neither are they concerned about the authenticity of claims therein. Instead, they are interested in decentering the place of knowledge, thereby increasing the confusion of the unassuming ones. Achieving this inevitably means increasing the tremor of tremblement.

Ironically, the wild expectation after this condition is that people’s foundation of epistemic truth would be ultimately challenged and ruthlessly misrepresented to the extent that the consumers of the modified or castrated information available on the social media platforms would begin to fraternize with assumptions generated and upheld by Western epistemic ideologues. Contrary to what would have been imagined, this site of dominance is alien to the subaltern, and they would continue to wallow in their fears, submerged in their trepidations because they are already incapacitated in the evolving capitalist machinations that they cannot comprehend its massive capacity to destroy. More and more, the issue of race becomes nuanced under such structures, while geography, body, identity, and biology, among others, would continue to generate maximum heat that would keep the world busy. Ndlovu-Gatsheni expresses his fear, so as all of us who understand the import of this development, in good faith, knowing that the underlying capitalist desires are dangerous for they are premised on the excavation, extraction and the extermination of others without afterthought to what would be the consequences for them basically, and the world generally. Interestingly, the world is already feeling the apocalyptic impact of the untoward spread of pandemics, wars, bombings, killings and persecution, all of which have increased tremblement in the contemporary world. There are tremors and troubles in the land.

 

 

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Opinion

Fear Of Witchcraft And Politics In Zambia

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.

This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.

Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?

The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.

Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.

In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.

Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!

Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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Opinion

Burning Issues: (FCT Minister And Paulosa) (2)

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Readers’ Showers Of Encouragement
Prof. Tony Afejuku

By Tony Afejuku

The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.

Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.

We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.

Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.

Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.

Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.

I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.

Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.

As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.

Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.

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Opinion

Questionstorm As A Method Of Teaching

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State

By Leo Igwe

Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.

I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.

This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.

With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.

The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.

Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.

Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.

Dr  Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.

 

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