Opinion
Success Or Failure: APC And Campaign For 2023
Published
3 years agoon

By Salihu Moh. Lukman
The Africa Editor of US Financial Times, David Pilling, in an opinion article in the January 31, 2022 edition posed the question, ‘What is Nigeria’s Government For?’ With all the attributes of being a politically sponsored promo, campaigning against the government of President Muhammadu Buhari, Pilling’s article signposts what is to come in the months ahead leading to the 2023 general elections. Chock-full sentiments, laden with inauspicious interpretation of Nigerian reality aimed at influencing public opinion will dominate both local and international media. Very conveniently, indices of economic performance in the last seven years will hardly feature largely because the aim is to whitewash the government of President Buhari as a failure. With very harsh conclusions of ‘Nigeria has sleepwalked closer to disaster,’ there is no empirical evidence to support the claims of failure other than a poor attempt to appeal to the emotions of innocent Nigerians.T
To be fair to Pilling, the only two attempts to present indices of economic reality is that the federal budget is about $30 billion and ‘it takes estimated $2 billion to get a president elected.’ While he is right that the size of Nigeria’s federal budget is about $30 billion, the estimated $2 billion to get a president elected is largely speculative. It is simply aimed at rubbishing Nigerian democracy, which is why he made the insinuation that ‘those who pay will expect to be paid back.’ May be since the US is the model of democracy Nigeria is copying, Pilling should have volunteered information about the cost of electing a US president and how charitable organisations fund campaigns to elect US Presidents without expecting any pay back.
The disrespect for truth and common logic is very glaring. Otherwise, how can Nigeria be ‘sleepwalking’ under President Buhari but ‘if Yemi Osinbajo, the technocratic vice-president, were miraculously to make it through the campaign thicket and emerge as president, the hearts of Nigerian optimists would beat a little faster.’ What distinguishes Vice President Osinbajo from President Buhari that one can be good and the other bad? Is Vice President Osinbajo not discharging his responsibility based on approvals and directives of President Buhari? Isn’t his (Vice President Osinbajo) so-called success not simply a reflection of the confidence President Buhari vested in him, on the one hand, and his loyalty to the President, on the other?
It is simply very damaging to Vice President Osinbajo for anyone to seek to project him as a good person while President Buhari and the government he serves are bad. It is even more grievous to condemn Nigerian aspirants for the presidential race as ‘familiar candidates… mostly recycled old men.’ If we condemn presidential candidates in Nigeria as ‘recycled old men’, the world should celebrate the young presidential newcomers in the most successful democracies, including the United States. It is quite contemptuous and an abuse of privilege for anyone who claims to support the development of democracy in Nigeria to dishonestly make the kind of unhelpful remark made by Pilling.
Perhaps, it is important to admit that Pilling is only responding to the unfortunate reality that while President Buhari and other Nigerians in his government are busy initiating responses to Nigeria’s intractable challenges, many Nigerians, especially some leaders saddled with the responsibility of steering the affairs of APC have become overconfident to the point of imagining that there is no need to start strategising for the 2023 elections. So much time is being lost debating whether APC is ready for the February 26, 2022 National Convention. While as APC we have frozen ourselves, others have moved on and are already planning the defeat of APC.
Beyond, Pilling and his likes outside the country, PDP leaders are daily mobilising for 2023. A party, which performed so badly has suddenly found new voice that is very loud. As APC, with all that the government of President Buhari is doing and many of our state governments, most times, our voices are only louder when we are distressed. Sadly, most causes of our distress come from normal political contests, which suggests incapacity on the part of some of our leaders. Problems of capacity is largely a reflection of poor leadership recruitment strategy, which is not peculiar to APC. It is more pronounced now in APC because being the governing party at the federal level eludes part leaders and members with a strong self-belief of high probability for electoral victory. This was the case in PDP before 2015, which largely facilitated their defeat.
APC leaders must wake up to the reality of preparing for 2023 campaigns. Without good preparations, APC campaign for 2023 will be reactive and defensive. PDP leaders and their international sympathisers such as Pilling will continue to set the tune for the 2023 campaigns, which will continue to present APC and its government under the leadership of President Buhari as a failure. We must appeal to APC leaders, especially the leadership of the APC Caretaker and Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) under the leadership of His Excellency Mai Mala Buni to free the party from the current high level of uncertainty surrounding the February 26, 2022 APC National Convention. It is important that the convention is allowed to produce the needed excitement around all the contests at the convention. Being the national convention, it should be the highest opportunity to celebrate the party and begin to mobilise every party member to recommit himself/herslf ahead of the 2023 electoral contests.
Without doubt, preparing for 2023 electoral contests for APC, being the governing party, come with a lot of challenges. As a party, APC must not put itself in a difficult position of campaigning based on propaganda, which in the end will seek to dismiss challenges facing the country and rationalise every action of governments controlled by the party. APC leaders must recognise challenges and objectively assess initiatives taken by governments. Where there are manifest weaknesses recognise and accept shortcomings as reflection of commitment to remedy the situation. It is only when there is such commitment that party leaders will be able to win the confidence of Nigerians and to that extent win their support. Winning the support of Nigerians should be the orientation of APC campaign for 2023. APC leaders must remove every illusion that being governing party will guarantee electoral victory. In fact, being governing party come with high disadvantage because power is always unpopular.
Part of what we need to remind APC leaders, ordinary members and by extension Nigerians, is that as a democracy that is gradually stabilising with more than twenty years experience, the question of issue-based campaigning should no longer be hypothetical. When PDP and their sympathers such as Pilling are broadcasting that APC and its government under President Buhari has failed, we must as loyal party members and patriotic Nigerians be able to prove that, to the contrary, we have succeeded with empirical evidence. For instance, what had been the size of the federal budget during the sixteen years when PDP ruled this country as compared to the $30 billion today? Has it stagnated, shrunk or expanded? What is the ratio of capital to recurrent budgets under PDP as compared to today? What is the success rate of budget implementation?
Specifically, what are the key projects successfully implemented both under PDP and today under APC? Critical reforms initiatives were implemented during the sixteen years of PDP such as Treasury Single Account (TSA), Integrated Personnel and Payroll Information System (IPPIS) and Government Integrated Financial Management Information System (GIFMIS), and landmark legislative frameworks were also put in place such as Public Procurement Act, Administration of Criminal Justice Act, Pension Reform Act, Freedom of Information Act, Pension Reform Act, and Electric Power Sector Reform Act. These are pieces of legislations that strengthened the capacity of government to manage challenges in the country.
Of course, in terms of poverty alleviation and job creation, there were YouWIN and NAPEP. And in infrastructural development, it is to the credit of PDP governments between 1999 and 2015 that they started and almost completed the Abuja-Kaduna Standard Gauge Rail Line and the Abuja Metro Rail. PDP governments also started the construction of Zungeru Power Plant, as well as new Airport Terminals in Lagos, Kano, Abuja and Port Harcourt. There was also the rehabilitation of Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, which was initiated by the PDP governments. There are many projects initiated and executed by PDP governments in various sectors of the economy. How successful were these initiatives and what were the costs?
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For APC, in the last seven years, the key highlight of success is in infrastructure. Most of the projects started by PDP have either been completed or nearly completed. Beyond the ones that were started, project such the second Niger Bridge, which was conceived by the PDP is scheduled for completion. There is the Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge Rail conceived by the APC government of President Buhari and completed. There are many road projects at various stages of completion. The Petroleum Industry Act initiated by the PDP government of former President Olusegun Obasanjo is now a law.
Since November 2015, a large-scale agricultural intervention has been initiated by the government of President Buhari, which has supported over 3.1 million smallholder farmers of 21 different commodities. With the intervention, Nigeria is becoming increasingly self-sufficient in food production. There is also the ambitious social investment programme introduced since 2016. It is the largest safety net intervention programme in Africa and one of the largest in the world.
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How can we assess initiatives implemented under the APC as compared to the PDP? While it is convenient for PDP to campaign based on hypothetical estimation of the failure of APC, it is important that APC leaders, and, more importantly, Nigerians use empirical assessments of achievements of both PDP and APC to determine issues of success or failure. However, recognising that the insecurity inherited by the APC-led government of President Buhari remains a major national challenge and is largely the current source of national frustration, it is important that the assessment of performance of APC government is not reduced to opinions of individual politicians. The reality is that both President Buhari and all APC leaders acknowledged the enormity of the challenges of insecurity in the country. This is in recognition of the fact that notwithstanding all the achievements of the APC administration in other sectors of the economy, once the problem of insecurity persists, it means the government has failed.
Also, the APC administration is taking steps to equip the security agencies and build morale, promote community-led solutions, develop new security infrastructure and operations across land and maritime environments, and address the underlying drivers of insecurity (poverty and youth unemployment), encouraging reports are emerging from the various theatres of operation. Just on Thursday, February 10, 2022, His Excellency, Babagana Zulum, after a meeting with President Buhari informed journalists that over 30,000 former Boko Haram terrorists have surrendered to Nigerian armed forces. Based on all the evidence, Governor Zulum expressed the optimism that the war against Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East will come to end in 2023.
With incidences of banditry in the North-West and North-Central producing more cases of kidnappings and abductions of citizens, including schoolchildren, the capacity of Nigerian security agencies to prevent and arrest criminal activities of rebellious groups in all parts of the country is a legitimate concern of all Nigerians. There is also the challenge of preventing or managing conflicts arising from activities of herdsmen, which have provoked all manner of conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and other citizens, especially farmers, across every part of the country. Criminal activities associated with herdsmen also increased incidences of banditry, kidnappings and abductions of citizens.
The narrative around this, promoted by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and their supporters, including Pilling is that challenges of insecurity facing the country are a confirmation that President Buhari and APC have failed Nigerians. Citing campaign promises of APC in 2015, undertaking to end insecurity, fight corruption and build the economy, problems of insecurity in the country is being used to mobilise Nigerians against the APC and President Buhari as part of the politics is also aimed at mobilising support to defeat the APC in 2023 elections.
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Consequently, there appears to be some disconnect between politics and the need to unite Nigerians to work together to address the nation’s security challenges. Opposition politicians and their supporters are unreceptive to efforts to mobilise Nigerians to forge strong unity towards ending insecurity in the country. It is therefore a good mark of leadership, notwithstanding the desperate grandstanding politics for 2023 by PDP and its supporters for President Buhari to acknowledge that Nigeria is passing through period of momentous challenges. No doubt President Buhari is not in denial of Nigeria’s security challenges. Acknowledging the challenges is indicative of the commitment of President Buhari and by extension APC leaders to end the problem of insecurity facing the country.
Therefore, as part of the preparations for 2023 campaigns, based on strategic initiatives to win the confidence of Nigerians, APC leaders must be very proactive in providing information to citizens about progress being made and challenges.
It is our responsibility as the governing party to take every necessary step to depolitise the campaign against insecurity in the country. How can a party and its leadership, which diverted $2.1 billion meant for the procurement of arms to fight insecurity to their private pocket even have a voice about who has succeeded or fail? Such a party and its leadership should be hiding in shame.
Given all that is happening to our democracy, there must be independent initiatives to engage the debate about comparative review of Nigeria’s experiences under sixteen years of PDP and seven years of APC. There is the need to engage this review based on sectoral consideration to support the leadership of APC to develop the needed capacity to mobilise Nigerians to see beyond the opportunist strategy of PDP leaders and their sympathisers, which is to exploit the frustration of Nigerians to win their votes in the 2023 general elections. The review of achievements under sixteen years of PDP and seven years of APC is also to compel the PDP to go beyond propaganda in its campaign to win the 2023 elections. If PDP is to develop any capacity of defeating the APC in 2023 elections, it must be compelled to accept its failings, recognise the successes of APC and to that extent commit itself to proposing concrete initiatives beyond hypothetically false rendition of its successes before 2015.
All information regarding the assessments of both PDP and APC since 1999 will be verifiable. In this 21st Century age of super information highway, issue-based campaign must be the orientation of partisan politics!
Dr Lukman is a freelance APC campaigner.
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Opinion
Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa
Published
21 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.
The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.
One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?
Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.
That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.
As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.
For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.
Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.
Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.
This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.
Igwe, PhD, was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.
Opinion
Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks
Published
22 hours agoon
March 11, 2025
By Leo Igwe
As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.
Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.
Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.
Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.
Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

By Toyin Falola
Our university is now an adult at 20!
About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.
At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.
Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.
In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.
Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.
These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.
Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.
A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.
To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.
Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.
The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.
However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.
The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.
At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.
As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.
Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.
Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.
For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.
. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.
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