Opinion
The Nigerian Condition: Perspectives From A Nigerian Philosopher
Published
2 years agoon
By Tunji Olaopa
Moving towards 2023, and beyond has become a task that, I believe, must generate all sorts of analyses and preparations. While the politicians and political parties are preparing in their usual manners to take over power, others, especially the intellectuals and scholars also have the responsibilities to facilitate a deeper understanding of our situation and how it can be redressed. I consider this task even more significant because the intelligentsia is saddled with determining the pulse and direction of a nation. “The man of action has the present,” says Oliver Wendel Holmes, the American polymath, “but the thinker controls the future.” And this is significant because intellectuals see and reflect on the big picture and how all its elements hang together. In the Representation of the Intellectual (1994), Edward Said situates the responsibility that the intellectual bears within the search for egalitarian truth and the urgency of social change. In other words, an intellectual must be committed to the society, and by association, to humanity.
The big picture that all intellectuals will agree upon is humanity. How does the human hang together in different sociopolitical and sociocultural contexts and situations? What are the elements of human flourishing that could enhance the quality of existence for humans? Wole Soyinka insists that writers and intellectuals have a fundamental duty in putting humanity at the forefront of their intellectual rumination. And, for him, “justice is the first condition of [that] humanity.” In other words, justice becomes a transcendental vision by which humanity can be saved, without any recourse to ethnicity, religious affiliation, gender or political predilection. However, when the ideas of justice and humanity are situated within a postcolonial context, all manners of morbid symptoms, failures and possibilities begin to emerge that complicate the vision of humanity we may have, and that further heightens the responsibility of the African intellectuals.
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The postcolonial context is the intellectual forte of the Nigerian philosopher, Adeshina Afolayan who teaches philosophy at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. This is not my first attempt at engaging with the uniqueness of Afolayan’s philosophical relevance. Indeed, philosophy has remained a disciplinary fascination for me since I came in contact with Plato’s Republic as an intellectual representation of the institutional reform that providence has directed me to pursue as a professional endeavor. Philosophy seems inevitable in any rumination about the well-being of any society; about how to facilitate an egalitarian framework that will undermine all sorts of inequalities and injustices that intellectuals are concerned about. Most recently, the scholarship of Adeshina Afolayan has brilliantly been summed and critiqued by the Boston University scholar and public intellectual, Prof. Nimi Wariboko. He titled the critical effort, “Adeshina Afolayan and Demosophy.” And just recently, the Graduate Research Clinic, a network of intellectuals, academics and students, put together a panel to critically discuss Afolayan’s scholarship.
My fascination with philosophy, and professional articulation of institutional and governance reform, has remained embedded within my abiding desire to make explicit what efforts have been made, are being made and could be made to rehabilitate and reconstruct the social, economic, institutional and political basis of existence for Nigeria and Nigerians. This is where my long-term relationship with Adeshina Afolayan comes to the fore. Even though African and Nigerian intellectuals are committed to making explicit those elements of human governance that would transform human flourishing, it is always interesting for me to take a philosophical perspective seriously. Philosophy is about the critique of the intellectual basis of human existence; a critical engagement with the ideas and beliefs by which we make sense of our lives and living. And it becomes doubly interesting to inquire how a specific Nigerian philosopher reflects on the conditions that make life valuable or otherwise within a postcolonial context.
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If I can sum his philosophical oeuvre, I will say it has to do with engaging with the idea of the people—of Nigerians—and the possibilities of human flourishing within the constraints and possibilities embodied by postcoloniality. Afolayan wrestles intellectually with philosophy and what philosophy makes visible and possible. Interestingly enough, Afolayan is not beholden to the pastime of many Nigerian philosophers, which is the constant defense of the philosophical enterprise. The premise of his scholarship is essentially that philosophy is relevant, period. There is no need to continue begging that question. The challenge then is that of making it more visible in the marketplace where the people conduct their existential struggle for meaning and survival.
Afolayan’s scholarship can be located within a subaltern context that listens to the groans and convivial articulation of the people, of Nigerians. However, and unlike other scholars who have taken the demos as a democratic given, Afolayan takes the idea of the people so seriously as to be as critical of its failures as much as its possibilities. Thus, for instance, the idea of leadership plays a critical role in his political philosophy as much as that of citizenship. In a study of patriotism and the informal sector, Afolayan makes a critical argument that undermines even my own understanding of, and fascination with, elite nationalism. According to him, elite patriotism dies and is buried in the informal sector when Nigerians are driven, willy-nilly, because of the failure of leadership represented by the elite. The current “japa”, or brain drain, phenomenon in Nigeria is a similar dimension that bears out Afolayan’s critical skepticism about patriotism. While japa insists on running away, the informal sector is a means of staying and not being available. No amount of patriotic rhetoric will make a Nigerian, whose life has been made existentially difficult, believe that Nigeria is the place for her. But then, Afolayan asks, how is democracy consolidated if its critical element, the demos always makes a decision with its feet touching the back of its head? Thus, within the context of democratic possibilities, the demos must insist on its own relevance while abjuring all lethargic arm-wringing that blames leadership for democratic failure.
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Afolayan’s attempt at deploying philosophy to the task of revealing the conditions necessary for making life more qualitative for Nigerians led to his beaming the searchlight of philosophical understanding on Yoruba philosophy and popular culture. While the latter serves as a framework for revealing how Nigerians are adapting to postcolonial dynamics, the former is Afolayan’s attempt at ransacking his cultural heritage for ideas and insights that could enable Nigerians understand their existence the more. I am not surprised that Afolayan eventually returned to popular culture. He is a scion of the legendary Adeyemi Afolayan (Ade Love) whose cinematic production was a significant dimension of African cinema, and a precursor to Nollywood. For those who avidly consume Nollywood, there is no doubt about how filmmakers cinematically portray visions of Nigeria’s postcolonial dynamics and predicament. Now imagine a philosopher engaging with Nollywood, with Afro-pop and with other cultural productions as a means of understanding the philosophical depth of human survival and flourishing. In fact, Afolayan argues that philosophy in Nigeria will remain an attempt by academic philosophers to deal with the problems of the professors of philosophy unless and until it becomes political and popular. It is by taking the popular turn that Nigerian philosophy can become truly an attempt to understand the philosophical biases and assumptions of Nigerians.
With his interest in African cultural studies, Afolayan takes seriously his Yoruba cultural heritage as a framework for adapting the past to the present. In “Yoruba Philosophy and Contemporary Nigerian Realities,” a 2018 special edition of Yoruba Studies Review he guest-edited, Afolayan brought together an array of Nigerian philosophers to reflect on how the Yoruba heritage could be critically mined to search for solutions to population growth, democratic participation, disability, educational practice, inter-ethnic conflicts, public morality, etc. Afolayan takes seriously the late Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi’s statement about the capacity of the Yoruba culture to not only solve existential problems but to also advance human civilization, and tasks philosophical reflection to adapt that culture to Nigerian postcolonial predicaments. This special edition of the Yoruba Studies Review again demonstrates Afolayan’s capacity for double critique. Here, he not only projects the capacity of Yoruba culture to answer Nigeria’s predicament, he also critiques that capacity. This was exactly what he also did in his essay, “Tunde Kelani and the Art of Being Yoruba” (2020). Tunde Kelani, the foremost Nigerian filmmaker is a Yoruba nationalist. Afolayan critiqued the capacity of his Yoruba culturally inflected cinema to adequately answer the Nigerian predicament without selling out to Yoruba jingoism.
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Why is Adeshina Afolayan important as a Nigerian philosopher? For me, it is simply because of his continuing effort to make Nigeria a place for philosophical reflection. We cannot do philosophy out of place. Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments require philosophical attention. In other words, we need to understand what philosophy can do for the understanding of Nigeria and her postcolonial dynamics. And in the process, we must also understand the changing dynamics of philosophy itself. When a philosopher critically takes to task philosophy’s capacity to answer postcolonial existential questions that enhance human flourishing, I think such a philosopher also deserves critical attention.
Olaopa is a retired Federal Permanent Secretary, and Professor, National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS), Kuru, Jos .
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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