Arts & Culture
The Public Academic In The Eyes Of Change: No Time To Cry
Published
2 years agoon
Being a review on ‘The Unending Quest for Reform’ being a book by Prof. Tunji Olaopa
By Olufemi Awoyemi
Professor Olaopa is the quintessential academic with high socio-political values, a deep sense of the urgency for action, and an abiding enthusiasm for the possibilities of the future if the proper actions are taken. He reminds me of the character Sekoni, in Professor Wole Soyinka’s 1965 novel, ‘The Interpreters.’ Sekoni was feisty, sincere, cerebral, and messianic. He needed to see a better society, he needed to see his people do better. But unfortunately, Nigeria happened to him. The same society that he craved to improve, spat him out like a discarded cigar butt and stamped his remaining dignity and self-awareness into the dirt. Indeed, his friends (and perhaps enemies) learned a bitter lesson: inciting meaningful change is a dangerous enterprise.
Society all too often makes the capital mistake of assuming that to see comprehensive socioeconomic progress, political leadership must be top-notch, a cut above the ordinary, and committed to seeing new concentric heights of prosperity and progress. The assumption, as well-intentioned as it seems, is wrong. No matter how sincere and hardworking the political leadership of a country is, if the bureaucratic structure needed to turn ideas into projects, programmes, and processes is effete, ineffective, and evasive, the possibilities of political and economic success are slim. The bureaucracy that drives the engine of public policy is more important than the lofty ideas that inspire leadership. No leader succeeds without a bureaucracy that gives life and meaning to political ideas and ideals. A measure of how well a leadership will perform can be gleaned from how well politicians have structured the public service to meet clear and consistent social and economic objectives.
If a nation’s public service bureaucracy is corrupt, inept, and incapable of introspection and self-correction; the country is sentenced to a life of struggle, pain, and poverty. No matter how rich a country is in natural and human resources, if the bureaucratic structures that turn the wheels of administration are clogged by the grit, grease, and dust of poor public service management, the nation cannot progress. Citizens become frustrated, treasuries get looted, and resources get depleted. In the words of Francis Fukuyama in his book, ‘The Origins of Political Order’, stable democratic societies require three characteristics: a strong state, the rule of law, and accountability.
These considerations, however, skipped a fourth and powerful democratic feature, the need for a professional and forward-looking public service bureaucracy. In many democracies, public service hides behind the finger of political gamesmanship and in many ways shapes the outcome of a politician’s dreams, wishes, and aspirations. The politician may have his or her say, but the civil service bureaucrat often has his or her way.
The author alludes to the innate difficulties in turning good policy into institutional action. His early epiphany of the difficulties in administration occurred while he was ‘sucked’into the vortex of student union politics at the University of Ibadan. In chapter eight of the book he points out that ‘With unionism, I began so early to fathom some of the heavy tasks of decision-making, policy formulation and design. By being invited to be a part of the University of Ibadan’s evolving strategic plan at the time, I was drawn into the inner sanctum of serious and institutional policy infrastructures that all the theories learnt from my public administration classes would not have afforded me’
He further observed that ‘Most outsiders to politics and administration are only satisfied with the superficial analysis of the layman: politicians and administrators are greedy; there is more than enough to go around for all Nigerians. It is so easy to come to such a conclusion because politicians and administrators do not themselves help matters. In a country where public officials steal with impunity and the newspapers report, on a daily basis, news of massive theft of our common patrimony, it takes little reflection for the ordinary citizen to surmise that governance is an easy business. Is it not to just provide electricity and build schools?’
In her insightful book ‘China’s Gilded Age’ Professor Yuen Yueng Ang explained that corruption is a universal phenomenon. Nevertheless, in countries like Nigeria, public office corruption is shaped in the manner of ‘petty theft’ and ‘grand theft’ rather than ‘transactional theft’ that involves ‘speed money’ and ‘access money’ as is the case in more developed economies like China. In China, a corrupt public official would enhance and promote business activity by helping the entrepreneur meet his or her business objectives. In Nigeria, the public officer would prefer to create stumbling blocks that frustrate enterprise and then insist on ‘compensation’. The different corruption vectors to a large extent determine the pace of entrepreneurial growth and economic development.
Contrary to popular opinion, corruption is not a socioeconomic deal breaker. What is a deal murderer is the lack of professionalism in Nigeria’s public service and the predominance of ‘grand theft’ as against ‘speed’ or áccess’money. The absence or the non-compliance of public officers with standard operating procedures (SoPs) rips at the heart of the civil service, smashing its credibility to smithereens. The consequence of an institutionally weakened public sector operation is typified by the poor state of Nigeria’s port operations. Public policies mean little, if anything if they are not accompanied by globally recognised best governance practices and unrelenting commitment to projects, procedures, or policy deliverables.
Olaopa precociously, or perhaps viscerally, understood this in his active days as a student union leader and more contemporarily as a resident academic in the federal public service. He came to the realization that policy success is less a matter of hope and desire as it is a matter of goals aligned to procedures set for implementation. The goals of governance are usually clear, but what appears hazy is the how and when of execution. Tackling execution at the highest professional standard is the ace in the hole, the theatre of maximum conflict with vested interests.
To navigate the minefields of policy inertia, change agents must have a multidisciplinary mindset that enables cross-disciplinary frameworks and models to interact to produce solutions that rise above the one-story narrative, which is usually wrong. Most often in life, our situations are dictated by multiple factors that interact intricately to create situations that easily confuse the innocent or simple. To suggest that corruption or a lack of professionalism is the one single factor responsible for Nigeria’s purportedly poor public service quality would be wrong. From the 1960s to the mid-1980s, Nigeria had amongst the finest public services in the world. Its cerebral and feisty public servants attracted great global praise and admiration.
However, by the mid to late 1980s, something began to go terribly wrong. The public service lost its lustre and Nigeria’s finest minds saw the civil service as an intelligent person’s mental graveyard. Unwilling to be ‘buried’ in this scary environment Nigeria’s clever and brightest voted with their feet by going into the more virile, creative, and agile private sector where material rewards were better. The slow descent from the honeypot of the intelligent and disciplined to the dungheap of the discontented and amoral was decisive in reducing the quality of decision-making and the impact of policy implementation of the public service. The previous statement is a tad sweeping. Nigeria’s public service still retains the loyalty of fine people, with great brains and admirable character, but that population is fast receding, and without remedial measures being taken urgently, Nigeria’s public service will feast on the carcass of a bygone era.
Professor Olaopa’s book is a call to the working of imagination rather than memory. It is a call for the country to wake up and improve its public service personnel and governance oversight. Improving the standard operating procedures (SoPs) for government ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) would provide the foundation for effective policy administration. Policy and planning excellence rests on laid-down templates and procedures that are taken as minimal standards of operations. In other words, excellence in the public sector would require workable systems and reliable workers. A linchpin of reliability is honour. A point the public sector academic makes in chapter nine of his memoirs. According to Professor Olaopa, ‘An honourable public official is the one who sees to the execution of a policy to the best of his ability even if he disagrees with the policy choice. This is an honourable act because it demonstrates that the bureaucrat’s sense of duty and service overrides his personal wilfulness. This is especially more so within the context of the bureaucratic corruption that exerts enormous pressure on the public servants and, even more so, the reformer, to compromise on her ideals and principles. Honour is also what insists that a reformer must be bound by the force of her conviction about the need to transform the public service. And it is precisely this that also demands that such 108 The Unending Quest for Reform The Making of a Public Servant-as-Reformer a reformer cannot prematurely seek honour and recognition’.
But beyond commitment to accepted standards and rules, Professor Olaopa expands on the concept of optimized communities or Opticom, a framework for rural development advanced by Professors Ojetunji Aboyade and Akin Mabogunje. The concept relies on the rural community and its interactive relationships as the hub of socioeconomic growth and development. Effective administration of rural economies would promote the sustained growth of micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) and allow for the dispersion of talent, skills, creativity, and knowledge across communities in a way that tackles the urgent challenges of poverty, lack of financial inclusion and the alienation of relatively low-income Nigerians from the broader economy and production value chains.
The top-to-bottom command structure of the Nigerian bureaucracy and economy has not served the country well. Olaopa like his mentors Aboyade and Mabogunje, argues that it is important to reverse the order of administrative relevance by making the rural communities centres of excellence and aggregating these centres into a national culture and structure of inclusive and sustainable growth and development. Olaopa’s commitment to the sustained progress of the public sector in the interest of the communities and country is reflective of a mind schooled in the philosophical thoughts of Plato and honed by the practical craft of governance gathered over years of being at the centre of federal public sector authority and might.
I recommend Professor Olaopa’s book to all those interested in engineering a better bureaucratic framework to support a fit-for-purpose public service aimed at the greatest interest of the largest number of citizens. In the general scheme of things, while good ideas are needed to direct society to achieve optimal benefits for citizens, the success of the ideas rests delicately on the quality of public bureaucracy expected to translate those ideas into reality.
Where bureaucracy is weak, unimaginative, and lethargic, the best of ideas and programmes buckle under the weight of public incompetence, mischief, and thievery. Ultimately great administrations are the products of the collaboration between intelligent politicians and outstanding administrators. Where political vision and administrative competence are misaligned, the consequence is nearly always socioeconomic pain.
AWOYEMI, mni, FCA, FCTI, FCIB, FIoD
Chairman Proshare
ceo@proshare.co and femiproshare@gmail.com
0803 628 8637
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Arts & Culture
Speaking Truth To Power: A Review Of Gbemisola Adeoti’s Stoning The Wind
Published
5 days agoon
January 31, 2025By Toyin Falola
The principle of equality is theoretically recognized as one of the fundamental foundations of democracy. Over the years, scholars have argued that equality prevents marginalization, and that the absence of marginalization signifies the existence of egalitarianism. It is in this context that Gbemisola Adeoti’s anthology, Stoning the Wind, flourishes and is to be appreciated.
The poems in this anthology explore the origins of Nigeria’s sociopolitical challenges by revealing the corruption in the system. One of the notable poems which vividly describes this is “The Chameleon and the Soldier Ant.” In this poem, the poet delineates the distinctive traits of the chameleon and the soldier ant, attributing the features of the former to the oppressors (politicians) and those of the latter to the oppressed (masses). The poem reveals and examines the nation’s recurrent challenges with authority, power, corruption, and violence.
Since the dawn of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria’s elections have consistently been plagued by anomalies, malpractices, and violence. This ugly reality has forced many Nigerians to question whether their votes truly matter. According to an article by Budgit.org, the 1993 general elections remain the fairest and freest election the country has ever had. However, its annulment by then-Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, serves as a stark reminder of Nigeria’s history of dictatorship and abuse of power. The annulment of the election symbolizes corruption and misuse of authority. While in democratic theories, power belongs to the people, in practice however, it is concentrated among a select few, that is, the oppressors who wield power at the expense of the masses.
The depiction of the Chameleon “saluting the ground beneath the belly” and the “fallen leaves that keep a date with destiny” implies a veneration for the status quo and the government’s consistent nonchalance to the plight of the populace. On the contrary, the soldier ant, symbolizing the downtrodden section of Nigerian society, is equipped with a “flimsy trunk, a fat head, and two cruel teeth as tools of terror.” Despite the soldier ant’s ferocious nature, its power stems from “solidarity and the martial oneness of a centurion,” which underscores the significance of solidarity among the subjugated in the presence of formidable oppression. Perhaps a revolution is Nigeria’s only path to redemption—or perhaps not.
Gbemisola Adeoti suggests that true emancipation from internal colonialism (that is, from the ruling oppressors) lies in unity despite diversity rather than outright rebellion.
In 2019, Omoyele Sowore, a Nigerian activist and journalist, initiated the #RevolutionNow movement, pushing for nationwide rallies to confront the sociopolitical crises affecting Nigeria. It is noteworthy that such uprisings are not unprecedented in Africa; we can consider the Arab Spring upheaval in Egypt as presenting a compelling parallel. Following nearly three decades of President Mubarak’s unjust and autocratic rule, the youth and other concerned factions of the country mobilized en masse, compelling Mubarak to resign on 25th January 2011. Tunisia under Ben Ali is another significant example of an autocratic government. Ali ruled for over two decades without any evidence of economic growth and with widespread violations of fundamental human rights. This incited a revolution in the nation, compelling the dictatorial president to flee in 2011. Recently, protests in Kenya were instigated by contentious proposed tax increases, and the movement has transformed into a fierce campaign for more governmental accountability.
In the poem “Ballot Box,” Adeoti further critiques the widespread electoral manipulation that afflicts Nigerian democracy. The opening line of the poem, “The ballot box is a resonant box that hums himself of hope and gloom,” signifies that the voting box embodies both hope and despair in Nigerian electoral traditions. This is apparent in the nation’s electoral history, characterized by frequent controversy, violence, and claims of rigging. The analogy of the ballot box as a “harlot’s trunk box” illustrates how corruption has wrecked our electoral processes through greed and deception. This is one of the images which carefully depicts Nigeria’s corrupt electoral system. The 2007 general elections are a testament to this claim, as there were numerous negative reports regarding the electioneering. According to the Department for International Development, the April 2007 general elections were said to be the most unjust in post-independence Nigeria. Thus, there is additional proof that elections in Nigeria only benefit the privileged.
According to The Republic’s article “The Many Sins of INEC,” the author conveyed disappointment with INEC’s logistical difficulties in several regions of the country during the last elections. Moreover, multifarious reports of violence and voter suppression were made in major cities of the country, such as Lagos and Rivers. This further corroborates the claim that the innovations of INEC, that is, the introduction of the Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVC) and Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), have only brought retrogressive developments to the nation, as the body still struggles to conduct credible elections. The lines “Voters don’t count much as the counters of votes in power” mirror the tainted 2023 presidential election, which was marred by reports of irregularities from journalists and election observers, both local and international observers.
In a 2019 article by Yiagi Africa, it was reported that the 2019 general elections experienced one of the poorest turnouts in the country’s history, with only 32% of the registered voters participating in electioneering. Among the factors that were considered to decline mass participation in elections include inefficient security, violence, and unfulfilled electoral promises. This challenges the legitimacy of authority when the populace abruptly becomes apolitical. Currently, voter suppression serves as a mechanism for manipulating electoral outcomes by dissuading and obstructing individuals from casting their votes. Yiaga Africa stated that the 2019 gubernatorial elections did not occur in about 26% of polling units in Bayelsa. This action resulted in thousands of voters being unable to cast their ballots or make electoral choices—a well-calculated action that ultimately served the interests of a particular group or political party.
Moreover, the depiction of the ballot box as a “presiding priest at the festival of hoax” implies that the electoral process is often a mere facade or mere formalities, with results “preordained” by those in power. The poet alludes to the “chameleon” nature of the voting box, which “swiftly” changes “coats and color” and obstructs the genuine wishes of the electorate.
In “Pandemic,” Gbemisola Adeoti not only criticizes the government but also expresses his worries as a social scientist, recognizing that individuals are influenced by governmental policies, biases, as well as social and environmental factors. The COVID-19 pandemic and its global repercussions are indelible, as the poet asserts that the virus resulted from the global community’s inadequate response to previous pandemics, such as Ebola. The poem continues by examining the unequal effects on the most vulnerable societal members and, at the same time, asserting that the pandemic served as a great equalizer, revealing the frailty of even the most powerful and affluent individuals.
The poem also evokes a sense of responsibility that fosters unity among nations. During this period of devastation, a strong sense of global solidarity emerged. The lines in the poem serve as a poignant critique of the pandemic’s effects on the global economy and geography. The phrase “Many play the flies that follow the corpse to the coffin” implies that many Nigerians have been compelled to adapt to the new reality of the pandemic, while many others grapple to endure in an economy grossly affected by the virus. The line “dying other people’s death in homeland and exile” is a tribute to those who have been compelled to abandon their homes and communities in pursuit of safety, only to encounter the unprecedented challenges of surviving in an unfamiliar and hostile setting.
The poet responded to the Covid-19 pandemic and other evils that have afflicted humanity with his poem “The Next Evil.” “The Next Evil” is a poem that dwells on hope and resilience. The poem’s opening line is a rhetorical question that challenges the thought that hopelessness is the worst affliction we can endure as humans. The lines: “What is the next evil that can befall a man who wakes up from a sleepless night thinking he has lost all light to multiple layers of plight?” is an assertion that hope is the foundation of our beliefs and credence as humans, even in our most desolate moments. In a world that has experienced several physical wars, conflicts, pandemics, lockdowns, and violence, this is a reminder that optimism remains the sole remedy for an uncertain future.
I can’t think of a better way to end this review than by enclosing it with my own poem:
You are the one who speaks truth to power,
The one whose pen breathes for justice
In a land where truth is forbidden
You are the one who challenges the authority
Of the snakes who lure their people
into a den of torture
When the gates of fairness are locked
You command your pen to seek redress.
If not you, what then is the meaning of justice?
And when the voices of the oppressed are silenced,
you amplify their cries, a beacon in the night.
Your words are a ray of hope and a call to action to fight for what is right.
Arts & Culture
Ojude Oba Poised To Become A Global Event – Abiodun
Published
8 months agoon
June 19, 2024Arts & Culture
Meet Shaibu Husseini, The New Sheriff At NFVCB
Published
1 year agoon
January 13, 2024By Esther Kainebi-Daniel
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Friday, January 12, approved the appointment of Dr. Shaibu Husseini as the new Director General of the National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB), succeeding Adedayo Thomas.
Dr Shaibu, is a celebrated journalist, performing artist, cultural administrator, public relations and media expert, and film curator. He is an alumnus of Lagos State University (LASU) where he studied Mass Communication at the institution’s School of Communication and earned a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc First Class) in Mass Communication, the University of Lagos (UNILAG), where he earned Master of Science (M.Sc) wiith Distinction, and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Mass Communication . His PhD was on film studies as his thesis examined the ‘Structure of Film Production Companies in Nollywood’.
A trained and seasoned theatre, film, broadcast, public relations and culture expert, he is reputed as one of the most consistent documentarists of Nigeria’s vibrant film and movie industry Nollywood and he is an astute commentator on arts, theatre and film development in Nigeria and the continent of Africa.
In 2014, he was honoured for his contributions to the development of Nigerian film industry by Nollywood Film Festival in Germany.
He has been the chairman of the College of Screeners and a member of Jury Board of Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) for many years.
An alumnus of the United States International Visitors Leadership Programme and the AIG-Public Leaders Programme of the Blavtanik School of Governance of the University of Oxford; Dr Shaibu was one time Secretary of the Governing Board of the National Theatre/National Troupe of Nigeria (from 2011 to 2015). He was appointed Director of Dance and Music and Head of the Strategic Communication Unit of the National Troupe of Nigeria.
Dr Shaibu has been the Chair, for 16 years running, of the Selection Committee of Africa’s premier film award – the Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) and a member of the prestigious AMAA jury.
He has attended several conferences, workshops and festivals and has sat and currently sits on a number of local and international Committees on film, theatre and allied matters including serving on the Board and on the jury of a number of Festivals, Awards and Committees including the Board of the Mainframe Film Institute run by the legendary Tunde Kelani, the board of In-short International Film Festival and on the Board of the Bank of Industry (BOI) Nollywood Fund.
Author of ‘Moviedom: The Nollywood Narratives’, Dr Shaibu is a Senior Teaching and Research Fellow at the Mass Communication Department of the University of Lagos and he was a former member of the Nigeria Official Selection Committee charged with the responsibility of deciding Nigeria’s entry for the Best International Film category of the Oscars.
He is currently a voting member of International Golden Globes Award and a consultant to the Berlin International Film Festival. He has served and still serves as a resource person, trainer in the field of theatre, culture and mass communication.
The new NFVCB DG was a pioneer artiste of the National Troupe of Nigeria; he has considerable theoretical, practical and field experience in the area of theatre, cultural administration as well as in public relations, advertising, journalism, broadcasting and film.
He considers himself an enthusiastic, dedicated, detailed and capable theory cum practically oriented professional who is able to improve the ability of an organisation to deliver outcomes that matter.
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