Connect with us

Opinion

The War In Ukraine And Its Impacts On Africa (1)

Published

on

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon

By

Toyin Falola

On February 24, 2022, after weeks of diplomatic talks, Russia decided on what many thought unlikely. Even as the intelligence community in the West sounded alarms about the occurrence of an invasion, there were doubts that it would happen. Putin wanted the attention. He needed NATO to stay far beyond his borders. The world needed to know that Russia, by virtue of its nuclear power status, could press its demands in the manner of the collapsed Soviet Republic. These were expert opinions, but if there is one thing that Russia has proven by this war, it is that drastic actions, ones that escape the borders of predictability, will play a heavy role in crafting a new world order. And, as always, Africa will be an integral party.

Most of the works on the impacts of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on Africa focus on the economic and political aspects. There is little reference to the historical logs that will dictate future relations nor the nuances in the economic and political sectors. Therefore, this work will attempt an in-depth analysis of the impacts of the conflict on Africa, focusing on existing dynamics in these countries themselves. It will explore the economic interactions of Africa with Europe, how they might be affected, and the hypocrisy in the West’s treatment of the war.

Economic Impacts of the War in Ukraine on Africa: A Country-by-country Analysis
To understand the economic impacts of the war, it is important to note the scale of trade relations between African nations and the warring parties. Thus, this section will examine countries whose ties are critical to maintaining internal stability. It also includes the opportunities for certain African countries in the conflict.

Egypt
Egypt’s relationship with Ukraine and Russia settles deep into the core of its economy. Its ties with Russia intersect with its foreign policy objectives, especially in relation to the West. For Russia, the North African country is an integral part of its anti-west policy. Relations go as far back as the 1950s, during which Russia supported Egypt on economic and military fronts. A notable instance is the Russian engagement with Egypt on the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1964. Then, Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, had joined his Egyptian counterpart in throwing granite rocks into the Nile. This symbolized the benefits of a relationship that spanned several years until the expulsion of Soviet officials in the 1970s. And till the end of the Republic, interactions were at a low ebb between both parties. The reawakening of the Egypt-Russia relationship came about in the twenty-first century when Russia began to re-establish old friendships. Leaders on both sides have been welcoming to each other, with a bold understanding of their individual gains. For Egypt, it is a courtship of two enemies (US and Russia) and a play to befriend both. However, Russia seeks to exert influence on politics in the Middle East and North Africa. They have been united on matters such as the conflict in Syria and Libya, maneuvering the latter’s dynamics to suit their needs.

READ ALSO: Nigerian Professor In Eastern Europe On Russia-Ukraine War

However, what is most interesting is the actual level of commitment that has been made. Russia and Egypt recently signed a comprehensive partnership agreement, touching security and trade relations. The pact is scheduled to last ten years, with automatic renewals lasting five. To the chagrin of the United States, Egypt has also instituted arms purchases totaling billions of dollars from Russia. It smoothens its military ties with joint drills as well. Notable investments in the relationship are the construction of a nuclear power plant in El Dabaa, Egypt, and the creation of a Russian Industrial Zone in the Suez Canal Economic Zone. Construction expenses for the power plant run as high as $25 billion, 85 percent of which will be funded by a Russian loan. The Industrial Zone will also expand the presence of Russian companies in Egypt and provide an estimated 35,000 jobs for the Egyptian populace. In terms of trade, Egypt provides an excellent market for Russia’s agricultural products. Tourism is another domain in which Russia proves an essential partner. Tourists from Russia and Ukraine constituted a high percentage of visitors to Egypt’s historic sites in the early 2010s. Jointly, they were almost a third of the 12 million tourists who traveled to Egypt in those years.

The importance of tourism cannot be underplayed. Research indicates that one out of every ten members of Egypt’s workforce is employed in the tourism sector. And in peak years, tourism revenue soared as high as $13 billion. With the sector making up 12 percent of Egypt’s GDP, the country is keen on retaining partners like Russia. But a situation that twists the knife in the Egyptian economy is the bomb explosion on a plane filled with Russian passengers in 2015. It sent tourism into a tumble as Russia suspended flights to the country and only just recommenced operations in 2021. This, alongside the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, severely reduced the inflow of tourists.

Employees in the sector faced a decline in their incomes, with hospitality service operators struggling to keep up with the rising business costs. Assessments by the media also showed growing disillusionment among workers as many expressed worry about their employment prospects. But as the virus waned and the government intervened in reviving the sector, hopes of an awakening were ignited. Russia lifted its ban on flights; Egypt was implementing measures to contain the virus, especially in the hospitality and aviation sectors, and places like the Red Sea resorts in Sharm el-Sheikh and Hurghada held new promise for their visitors.

True to form, Russian tourists began to flock in again. In the first few weeks of 2022, more than 100,000 Russians visited Egypt. And in each month of 2021, data showed that Russian tourists numbering up to 500,000 visited Egypt. For Egyptians, the invasion could not have occurred at a more inconvenient time. Even as it seems that they are finally getting a reprieve, sanctions on Russia and travel bans may create debilitating impacts for the struggling sector. Although the Egyptian government appears to be working with Turkey (another country with high tourism inflow) on an alternative transit route for its Russian customers, it is unlikely to witness the same flux. The devaluation of the Russian ruble threatens the purchasing power of the average Russian and will potentially influence traveling. It is also unlikely that European tourists can fill the void left by the Russians.

READ ALSO: Ukraine May Opt For Neutral Status Over NATO To End War

Besides tourism, food is a sector with serious political consequences. A hike in the price of bread by the Egyptian government in 1977 unleashed deadly riots in the country, sending the government into a flurry to remedy the situation. A similar hike led to the Arab Spring in 2011 and singularly catalyzed massive political changes in the Arab world. Bread consumption in Egypt is a nutritional culture that has existed for centuries. Aish baladi, as it is known locally, constitutes a major part of Egyptians’ cereal diet and is crucial to the 30 percent of Egyptians who live below the poverty line. In recognition of the centrality of bread to national stability, the Egyptian government avoided removing subsidies on the product in 2016, even as the IMF mandated similar measures in other areas. However, the availability of bread and the consequent price stability relies on wheat. Data reveals that Egypt is the world’s largest importer of wheat, with Russia and Ukraine supplying 70 percent of its total intake. Before the war, Russia had instituted a tax on exports, intensifying the situation for the Egyptian government. The country’s budget for food subsidy in 2022 is $5.5 billion, with a potential increase of over $700 million as the price of wheat rises. There is also a possibility that the subsidy will be reduced, which raises concerns about a price hike. Egyptian officials are aiming to diversify import locations to manage the situation. Grain stocks are also expected to last several months, during which the government may implement buffers.

South Africa
The relationship between South Africa and Russia has more of a diplomatic than economic leaning. Unlike countries in North Africa, it is less reliant on Russian or Ukrainian food. Data reveals that the country imports 40 per cent of its wheat, but none of it comes from the warring countries. Supply centers include Lithuania, Argentina, the USA, Poland, and Latvia. Maize production in South Africa also positions it to exploit the gap left by the Russia-Ukraine war as local supply exceeds demand. However, South African investments in the country may take a hit due to international sanctions on Russia. According to data, South Africa has an estimated R77 billion investment in Russia, compared to the latter’s R23 billion. The automotive industry within Africa’s most industrialized country will also be affected as Ukraine supplies the bulk of the wire harnesses used in vehicle manufacturing. Ukraine manufactures as much as 30 percent of the wire harnesses used in Europe. Russia is equally a major supplier of minerals such as nickel, palladium, and aluminum used to manufacture vehicles and electronics, necessitating a diversification of suppliers.

On the diplomatic front, the situation has become more complex. South Africa’s colonial history includes alliances between liberation movements and the Soviet Union. Today, the political elite in the country maintain their gratitude to Russia for the support it provided then. Although it is questionable if the Soviet Union’s backing was not motivated by a desire to counter Western dominance, the existence still reverberates in leadership circles. Evidence of this is seen in the country’s inability to take a unified stance on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Remarkably, it also abstained from a United Nations General Assembly vote to criticize the invasion and demand an immediate withdrawal. A factor that further deepens the bond between both nations is South Africa’s membership in BRICS, the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa economic bloc. Its relationship with some of the world’s major powers, particularly anti-Western countries like Russia and China, compromises its decisiveness in actions in the international community. Within BRICS, it periodically mediates on the border conflict between China and India, with Russia playing to support the side it finds most convenient at a particular time. However, analysts have identified a notable shift in South Africa’s foreign policy. In its early post-independence days, the country defined itself by its commitment to the recognition of human rights around the world. Its apartheid experience and struggles for emancipation made this an almost instinctive viewpoint for the country. However, its diplomatic responses at the international level have demonstrated the opposite.

Until recently, the country maintained an automatic abstention policy from UN resolutions that aimed to criticize other countries. It refrained from one such resolution on the Myanmar government’s human rights abuses. The country’s political landscape also precludes definitive opposition to Russia’s aggression. The South African Communist Party (SACP), the country’s local communist party, has been a historic disciple of Marxism-Leninism. It demonstrates its followership by rationalizing Russia’s decisions, even clearly expressing its support for the invasion. The situation is not very different within the ruling party, the ANC. A foundation headed by the former president, Jacob Zuma, released a statement supporting Russia and lampooning the West for its hypocrisy in the conflict.

READ ALSO: New York Times’ Ex-writer Killed In Ukraine War

Tunisia
Of all the affected North African countries, Tunisia faces a severe risk of instability. The Arab Spring started in the country in 2011 and has recently witnessed a reversal in gains from that revolution. Its president, Kais Saied, has abolished the parliament, rules by decree, and silences dissent with arraignments before military tribunals. Under this authoritarian atmosphere, Tunisia’s debt was 81 percent of its GDP in 2021 and is projected to rise to 84 percent in 2022 and 84.7 percent in 2023. The necessity of subsidy removal, caused by unfavorable economic outcomes, has worsened the situation, posing a threat to national security. An attempt by the Tunisian government under Habib Bourguiba to remove the subsidy on bread in the 1980s resulted in riots that left more than a hundred Tunisians dead.

Similar attempts between 2008 and 2009 were met by an onslaught of protests. The matter climaxed in 2011 when high commodity prices prompted riots that set off institutional reforms. But subsidy removals are also an economic imperative. Funds earmarked in the budget for subsidizing food stand at $746 million, projected to hit $1.2 billion. Even worse, the country relies largely on Russia and Ukraine for food imports and sustenance of its tourism sector. Tunisia imports over 50 percent of cereals for human consumption and 60 percent for animal feed. Local production is estimated at 1.5 million tons annually, less than half its import quantity of 3.5 million tons. It also depends on Russia and Ukraine for 80 percent of its grain imports and 60 percent of its wheat. It is prevented from shoring up local production by a severe drought that has lasted for three years.

The Tunisian inability to adapt fairly is rooted in the comprehensive welfare system run by its government. As a political solution to the protests in 2011, the government’s response to the employment crisis was massive recruitment into public service. The state employs more people than any other sector in the Tunisian economy, which reflects on available revenue. With the effects of the pandemic and the surge in global inflation rates, it now struggles with paying workers’ salaries. Thus, rising food and fuel prices, high transportation costs, and a decline in political freedoms may warrant negative reactions from Tunisians. And in what may be termed a bleak prediction of fortunes, analysts submit that the Central Bank of Tunisia’s inflation rate of 6.8 percent in 2022 may be moderate compared to likely increases.

READ ALSO: Russian, Ukrainian Officials Hold Peace Talks In Turkey

Russia’s relationship with Tunisia dates back to the Soviet years. Both countries commemorated their 62nd year of diplomatic relations in 2018. They have deepened bilateral engagements, with Russia supporting Tunisia on security and economic fronts. Russia’s importance to Tunisia is evident in the tourism sector, where, between 2016 and 2017, over one million Russian tourists visited Tunisia. This came at a time a surge of terror attacks forced travelers to abandon Tunisian resorts. Moscow has aided Tunis in combating terrorism by sharing intelligence on terrorists’ movements. This cooperation assisted Tunisian forces in operations against smugglers along the Libyan border. These relations may now be affected by the war and Russia’s ban on exports to support domestic supply.

Part of the Talking Points at the International Colloquium on Russia-Ukraine War and Implication For Global Security, Pease and New World Order, organized by the Centre for Black Culture and Understanding, Osogbo, Nigeria, March 22, 2022

Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.

 

Read more authentic news on our social media platforms

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Opinion

Stellenbosch: Senzeni Na And Decolonizing Secularity In Africa

Published

on

Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

In December, I attended a workshop on Decolonizing Secularity in Africa. It was one of my best conferences because it highlighted issues that have worried me over the years. For the first time, I attended an academic conference on religion or secularism in Africa that featured a panel on atheism and humanism in Africa. Organized by Point Sud, this workshop was held at Stellenbosch in South Africa. Interestingly I did not know about Stellenbosch’s colonial history and significance. So I could say with the benefit of hindsight that the choice of Stellenbosch as a venue for this event was adequate. The goal of the workshop was, based on the coloniality of secularity, to interrogate the “liberating force of religion, the secular in ethnic nationalisms, and the ideologies of culturalization, not least in its current revenant, heritagization, in Africa and beyond”. It was great to meet, discuss, and exchange ideas on colonization, decolonization, religion, and secularity with scholars and activists from different parts of the continent and the world. Many issues that emerged at the conference have continued to agitate my mind. First is the so much emphasis on colonization. I have continued to wonder: Can’t we meaningfully discuss African issues without alluding to colonialism? Again, reference is always made to Western colonialism. What about Eastern and other forms? Many parts of America were colonized at one point or the other. Weren’t they? The same with Europe, Asia, and Oceania. But it is only in the case of Africa that there is an overemphasis on Western colonialism. Incidentally, many African scholars have unwittingly joined in explaining Africa through the lens of colonialism, western colonialism.

The fixation on colonialism is not without a reason. I attended an African studies conference some years ago and someone alluded to a comment by a Western scholar, that regarding Africa, before colonialism, there was nothing. There was nothing? I was shocked to hear that comment. Look, that I do not know or nobody knows about a period in history, does not mean that there was nothing. Is it not better to say I do not know than to make such a dimwitted statement? What applies to Africa, applies to other places in the world. There are stages in their histories nobody knows what happened. Or what is known is patchy. That should not be a reason to say that there was nothing.

One issue that engaged attendees was the meaning of ‘decolonizing’. What does it mean to decolonize? Some define decolonization as removing or undoing colonial elements and influences. And if that is the case, what do we remove or undo? And who does that and Why? how do we undo the Western colonial linguistic influence? What about the eastern and other colonial elements? Is it possible or feasible to remove or undo all colonial influences? By the way, is religion or secularity as introduced to Africa decolonized?

Some participants argued that decolonizing secularity implied going back in time before colonialism. So, how far can we go and why? In the process won’t we go back to that time “when there was nothing?” Can’t we decolonize without returning to the past? Can’t we decolonize looking forward and not backward? Is religion or secularity not an embodiment of layers of influences over the years? If we were to peel off these ‘colonial’ elements, what would be left? Some propose a return to the indigenous forms of secularity or religion as the case may be. The question is this: What does indigenous mean? Who defines or determines it? Is the indigenous the same for all? What is considered indigenous to South Africans may not be to Kenyans, Nigerians, or Malians. What is considered indigenous in a part of Nigeria may be a legacy of the colonial influence by another part of Nigeria. So what is indigenous to Africa is not monolithic and regionally applicable.

That leads me to another controversial issue that came up at the workshop, which is, one secularity or multiple secularities. Some of the participants especially those from the Department of Religion, at the University of Cape Town were of the view that there was one secularity, that is the western secularity is manifesting in other climes, in different forms. While other participants from Europe leaned towards the notion of multiple secularities highlighting forms of distinction and differentiation between religion and other social domains across cultures. Although secularism or secularity is Western in origin, what the concept represents manifests in other cultures and societies. Secularities predate Western secularity or manifest and feature in ways that do not fit into or align with Western secularity.

As I noted earlier, there have been colonialisms before Western colonialism. There have been secularities before Western secularity. Although Western colonialism brought the influence of western religion and secularity to bear on various cultures and societies, the colonial encounter does not negate the social differentiation of religion and other domains in these societies. It is only in seeing or articulating secularity in its multiple forms that these situations, dynamics, and intersections could adequately be captured. So, the concept of multiple secularities has enormous explanatory power. It is useful and helpful in highlighting the social distinction of religion and other domains in cultures and societies beyond the West.

For instance, western missionaries introduced christianity and the Christian god to Africa. What we have is one Christianity or Islam manifesting in different forms. Africans have adapted and reinvented the Christian religion over the years, hence the notion of African Christianities. Again while western Christian missionaries introduced Christian religion or religiosity, they did not introduce religion. religiosity, or the idea of god. There are other religiosities apart from and beyond Christianities/Christian religiosities. There are other gods and deities beyond the Christian god/deity. I think the idea of multiple secularities or multiple religiosities has much more descriptive value.

Another issue that came up at the event, not surprisingly so, was apartheid. One of the presenters analyzed the song, Senzeni Na (What have we done?) to buttress his point. I have never heard of the song. I didn’t know its relevance to the anti-apartheid struggle. In the course of the discussions, it was noted how other Africans including Nigerians are not conscious or sensitive to the pains of apartheid. I noticed from the expressions of some South Africans at the meeting that they were not happy with the nonchalant attitudes of Nigerians towards their experience. I believe that black South Africans are right to feel that way. The apartheid was a tragic experience that still hurts blacks in contemporary South Africa. The painful memories won’t quickly go away. Black South Africans should also understand that Nigerians have a different history and experience. They should also not forget that the Nigerian and other African governments contributed a lot to the anti-apartheid struggle. Nigeria supported Nelson Mandela and other heroes and heroines of the struggle.

Many South Africans do not relate to the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide as Rwandans do. They do not relate to the pain and trauma of the Nigerian civil war. In meetings and conferences, they treat these experiences and encounters lightly because these experiences were not a part of their history. As I noted during my conversations with some of the attendees, while I appreciate the pain and trauma of apartheid, Black South Africans must learn to move on because as they say in the Igbo language, Nke chi ka, meaning, the one yet to come, the future one, the one that belongs to tomorrow, is greater. The greatness of South Africa does not lie in the past but in its tomorrow, in its future. It does not mean that we should not refer or draw from the past. We should and we must. But South Africa is not returning to those days when Senzeni Na was sung. The country is forging ahead and moving towards a better and more glorious future.

This song provides a thrust for this forward and onward movement. It highlights the challenges that South Africans face and are facing. But more importantly, this song codifies the pain and suffering of all humans because all oppressed people everywhere; all who suffer persecution within and without South Africa are singing, Senzeni Na.

Igwe, PhD,  was a co-convener of Decolonizing Secularity in Africa, Stellenbosch, South Africa, 9–13 December 2024.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Commonwealth Day 2025: Together We Can End Witch Hunts And Ritual Attacks

Published

on

Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

As we mark Commonwealth Day 2025, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches protests witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries, and the refusal of the Commonwealth to speak out against these abuses. In many parts of Africa, Asia and Oceania witch hunting is not a thing of the past but an ongoing wave of abuses and violations. In Commonwealth countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Papua New Guinea, persecution of alleged witches rages with force and ferocity. In Ghana, witch persecution results in the displacement of accused persons who then flee to some make shift shelters known as “witch camps”. Those who could not flee to these places like Akua Denteh are murdered in cold blood.

Witchcraft accusation is a form of death sentence for the accused and accused people are sometimes extrajudicially killed despite existing legislations in these countries. Witch trials take place in many countries of the Commonwealth. Trial by ordeal and jungle justice are meted out to the accused. Some weeks ago, an elderly woman who had dementia was accused of witchcraft and beaten to death in Nigeria. In Malawi, alleged witches are stoned to death. In Zambia some political opponents suspected of trying to kill the president using ‘witchcraft’ are standing trial at the state court. Alleged witches, mainly women, children and people with disabilities are attacked, banished, lynched, buried alive or tortured to confess to the ‘crime of witchcraft’.

Witch hunting persists because many countries and groups of countries like the Commonwealth have refused to speak out against these atrocities. The Commonwealth should break its silence on witch hunts and ritual attacks in member countries. It should join the UN in condemning these horrific abuses. The Commonwealth should add its voice to this campaign. It should highlight witch persecution and witch hunting during its meetings and summits. It should call for an end to abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. The Commonwealth Day should be an opportunity to recommit to ending this menace. It provides a platform to rally all countries against these violations. No nation should be left behind in the quest to make witch hunting history around the globe.

Together we can end witch hunts and ritual attacks in Commonwealth countries.

Igwe, PhD, directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Lead City @20: The Past And The Present

Published

on

Dele Jegede In Conversation With Prince Yemisi Shyllon
Prof. Toyin Falola

By Toyin Falola

Our university is now an adult at 20!

About twenty-two years ago, the vision to redefine the frontiers of private education in Nigeria led to the conceptualization of the idea, which birthed a new direction for education. The thoughts and projections of like-minded educators and academic experts led to the establishment of Lead City University (LCU) as a beacon for progressive education in Nigeria. This development came when access to higher education was limited by rigid institutional structures and to federal, state, and a handful of private institutions.

At inception, LCU was envisioned as an academic environment that was expected to balance flexibility with skills and academic excellence. On this note, the university became fully operational in 2005, having scaled through necessary procedures for establishment. Since then, the university has positioned itself as an institution willing to break conventional norms by offering programs that blend theoretical learning with practical application. The goal was clear—to bridge the gap between academia and the real-world demands of the job market, ensuring that students graduated with certificates, competence, and confidence. Hence the word “enterprise graduate”.

Two decades later, Lead City University has become a household name in private tertiary education in Nigeria and earned the trust of parents, guardians, students, and the education community. From its humble beginnings with two campuses around Jericho and Challenge areas of Ibadan, the University has metamorphosed to its current state, reflecting the institution’s journey of ambition, resilience, and a commitment to continuous improvement. To reiterate, the university’s distinct blue, white, and pink colors symbolize the institution’s values for knowledge, human development, creativity and prestige, and excellence. At the same time, the university’s emblem, which depicts a fusion of knowledge, self-reliance, and technological orientation, is not just a design but a representation of LCU’s enduring promise to its students in equipping them with the tools they need to navigate life’s complexities.

In its formative years, Lead City University set itself apart by adopting an academic model that was both innovative and inclusive. Unlike conventional universities that adhered to a one-size-fits-all approach, LCU introduced learning structures that accommodated working professionals, non-traditional students, and young scholars eager for a more practical learning experience. This unique flexibility over time has attracted a diverse student population, making the university a melting pot of ideas and aspirations.

Significantly, and with every sense of humility, it is worth mentioning that the academic offerings at LCU have grown in milestones over the years. What started as a modest selection of undergraduate programs across the two campuses has expanded into a comprehensive curriculum spanning disciplines such as Business Administration, Law, Engineering, Social Sciences, Computer Science, and Mass Communication. More recently, the university reached a significant milestone with the approval and accreditation of its Medical and Health Science programs, including Medicine and Surgery, Pharmacy, and Physiotherapy.

These additions have broadened the school’s academic reach and cemented its credibility as a serious player in Nigeria’s higher education landscape. This has brought much credence to the school, its parent body, and every stakeholder within its system. This is because achieving accreditation for these highly sought-after courses required a high-level strategic investment in infrastructure, faculty recruitment, and curriculum development. The intensity of these has further proven LCU’s unwavering commitment to quality education.

Beyond the classroom, LCU has been at the forefront of promoting an education system that extends beyond academic achievements. It is an apparent recognition that learning should not be confined to lectures and textbooks. To achieve this, the university has integrated entrepreneurship programs, skill acquisition initiatives, and industrial partnerships into its curriculum as a proactive measure for students to withstand today’s competitive job market, where traditional employment opportunities are increasingly fizzling out. It is a welcome development for a 21st-century school, as graduates need more than theoretical knowledge. They need adaptability, innovation, and more practical experience to fit in. It gladdens the heart to know that LCU understands this reality and has taken deliberate steps to ensure its students are equipped with these critical skills.

A defining aspect of the university’s impact over the past two decades has been its emphasis on accessibility. The tradition before was that private universities in Nigeria were often perceived as elitist due to their tuition costs and the social class that enrolled. At one point, there were similar issues with enrollment, as many were not convinced that it was a school their wards could attend.

To mitigate this, LCU has consistently worked to change the narratives by providing scholarships and financial aid to deserving indigent students. These scholarships, awarded based on merit and financial need, remind the institution of its commitment to inclusivity. These opportunities have been life-changing for many students who might have otherwise been unable to afford higher education. By ensuring that education remains within reach for those who need it most, LCU has once again demonstrated its commitment to shaping futures.

Looking at the trajectory and quality of academic delivery obtained in the school, one cannot salute the decision to have a well-grounded faculty. Faculty development has been another cornerstone of LCU’s success. After all, an institution is only as strong as the quality of its educators. Hence, there is a deliberate commitment to recruiting experienced lecturers, researchers, and industry professionals for its academic team. Over the years, the university has built a faculty that blends theoretical expertise with real-world experience. This approach ensures that students are not just taught from textbooks but are mentored by individuals who have made significant contributions in their respective fields. By fostering an environment of mentorship and academic research, the university has maintained high teaching standards, preparing students for professional and educational pursuits.

The physical transformation of Lead City University over the past twenty years is also worth noting. The university, which began with a modest campus, has since expanded into a thriving academic hub, complete with modern lecture halls, state-of-the-art laboratories, well-equipped libraries, and recreational facilities embedded in an architectural design that reflects a blend of tradition and modernity, creating an environment that is both inspiring and conducive to learning. These infrastructural developments are a testament to the university’s long-term vision to make learning conducive in a friendly atmosphere.

However, LCU’s journey has not been without challenges. Like all private institutions, it has had to navigate the complexities of Nigeria’s educational sector, including regulatory policies, economic fluctuations, and the evolving expectations of students and parents. For instance, the unpredictability of the country’s economy has often made financial planning difficult for the institution and its students. Yet, through strategic planning and resilience, LCU has continued to evolve, adapting to changes while maintaining its core mission.

The role of technology in education has also become increasingly significant in recent years, and LCU has recognized the need to integrate digital learning into its academic framework. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted educational systems globally and became a wake-up call for institutions to adopt more technologically driven learning methods. LCU strengthened its digital learning infrastructure, enabling students to continue their education remotely. The university’s investment in e-learning platforms, virtual labs, and online course delivery models reflects its readiness to embrace the future of education.

At one point, the university displayed mastery of digital tools to drive enrollment. This was in the wake of low enrollments, especially as very few citizens of Oyo State see the school as a prospect. During this period, the university had a large number of its students coming from outside the state. In response, the dedicated marketing teams deployed various traditional and digital tools, effectively utilizing social media, newsletters, and email marketing to achieve outstanding results. This is but a display of innovative thinking by a core department in the school.

As Lead City University celebrates its 20th anniversary, it is at a critical juncture that demands an even more significant commitment to innovation, research, and global academic engagement. The next phase of its journey will undoubtedly require a stronger emphasis on technological integration, expanded research initiatives, and deeper collaborations with local and international institutions. The university has already laid a strong foundation, but the challenge is to build upon it, ensuring that the next twenty years bring even more outstanding achievements.

Lead City at 20 is not just a celebration of longevity but a testament to the power of vision, perseverance, and growth; from a promising idea to a respected institution, LCU’s story is one of transformation and impact.

Looking ahead, the university must continue to evolve, keeping pace with global academic trends while staying true to its mission. Whether through the expansion of its research capabilities, increased industry collaborations, or the continued development of its students, LCU’s future is filled with possibilities. The past twenty years have been remarkable, but the next two decades hold even more significant potential.

For students, alums, faculty, and stakeholders, Lead City University is more than just an institution—it is a community, a movement, and a legacy in the making. As the university steps into the future, it does so with the same ambition and resolve that fueled its inception. The journey is far from over; in many ways, it is only just beginning.

. Falola is Professor Emeritus in the Humanities Lead City University.

Continue Reading

Top Stories