Opinion
Tinubu And The Buhari Playbook: Is It Time To Lose Hope?
Published
1 year agoon
By Toyin Falola
At the height of the Muhammadu Buhari campaigns pre-2015, the then President of Nigeria enjoyed widespread support placed on an abundance of hope that there would be change — in the economy, security-wise, and in other aspects of the country that were ailing fast. When the Buhari-Osinbajo first term started, and citizens began to notice changes — although starkly different from the positive changes they expected — Buhari and his campaign strategists promised Nigeria the Next Level, pre-2019. The next level for change? Or the next level of promises? Whatever it was that Nigerians believed, Buhari cemented another term of four years as the country’s President; and these extra four years also more than confirmed to those that thought the first administration was abysmal due to ill-luck and if they were among those who thought to give Buhari some time, that the disaster of the first administration was not by happenstance.
The failures and underwhelming performances weighed heavily on Tinubu’s campaign prospects. As much as he tried — sometimes hinting at not being APC’s anointed candidate and facing as much opposition from his party cabals as any average Nigerian — Tinubu could not fully distance himself from the failures of the Buhari government. And maybe he should not have done that. To remedy his image, his campaign strategists brought Nigerians the promise of “Renewed Hope”. Buhari rode in on an abundance of hope for change and good, but the eight years he spent at the helm sapped Nigerians of their hope.
Tinubu came asking the have-nots to dig into their recesses and nurture their seedlings of hope, watering it with trust in him to turn the tide in the country. He was lucky to convince enough people to guarantee him a win at the polls, although the win came with the label of being Nigeria’s least-popularly-voted President. He won an election without a mandate. His domestic policies have been disastrous, portraying him as a sadist whose joy is to see millions of people suffer and die on the streets. His first foray into foreign policy was to threaten a military invasion of Niger, the equivalent of killing his people, for France to steal uranium and the United States to maintain its military base.
It’s about three months into the Tinubu administration, and in what looks like a commitment to his pre-election promise of staying on course and building on the “legacies” of the disastrous Buhari administration, Tinubu’s time in Aso Rock looks like a replication of the Muhammadu Buhari playbook. How so? Let us consider the areas of convergence that have reared their heads this early into the Tinubu administration.
Delay in Appointments
President Tinubu rode into power on the wings of many things. One of those core things that helped him cement his victory at the polls was that he had been away from active public service for so long, a move claimed to be his lifelong preparation for the office of the Nigerian President. However, if his first three months in office are anything to go by, it does not seem like the man who has spent all his lifetime preparing for the presidency is truly prepared for office. This is especially evident in how long Nigeria has been on auto-pilot without a cabinet. Since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, the only other President that has spent as many days as Tinubu in the selection of ministers to form the cabinet was Presidents Buhari and Yar’Adua, who spent six months and three months, respectively.
Notably, President Obasanjo selected his first cabinet within a week. Spending about three months selecting his cabinet was unexpected from President Tinubu, especially since he came into office when there were grievances from and ongoing negotiations within pressure groups such as the National Labor Congress.
Watery Appointments and Square Pegs in Round Holes
As if the delay in the appointment of cabinet ministers was not enough of a bad start to a government that had so much to prove to citizens and doubters, the nomination list of Tinubu’s cabinet members was more watery than solid. Although there were some brilliant nominees on the list, however, the bulk of the nominated cabinet members were Nigerian politicians that either had little to nothing to offer, were battling corruption and related charges, had a track record of bad governance, or were generally bad omen for a country that is hammering on making things better.
During the pre-election campaign, one of the main points that were repeated during Tinubu’s campaign — in the face of doubts about his physical strength in relation to the exertion that might be required of him as the President — was that the office of the President required more of mental exertion than physical strength and that Tinubu knew how to select the best people to work with. Therefore, it falls short of expectations that only a few of his selected ministers cut the figure of capable hands. The public was so nice to him that they gave him a respectable list of men and women of integrity, including Jibrin Ibrahim, Lasisi Lagunju of Tribune, Bishop Hassan Kukah, and Femi Falana. The public even appointed him a Minister of Education, in the person of the super-efficient Professor Is-haq Oloyede.
Beyond the misgivings on the overall capabilities of Tinubu’s ministers, another thing that has been making the rounds since the appointment has been a flashback to when Buhari selected the ministers for his first cabinet. After five months of leaving the nation on auto-pilot, Buhari announced that he had selected round pegs to fit round holes in the appointment of his ministers. However, that claim met with counter-claims that he had several round pegs forcefully driven into square holes on his ministerial list.
The same can be said for Tinubu, whose allocation of ministries seems worse than the initial selection of his ministers. From the placement of Bayo Adelabu in the Ministry of Power to the appointment of Festus Keyamo as the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, to the appointment of Dave Umahi as Minister of Works, the ridiculous appointment of Abubakar Momoh as the Minister for Youth, Gboyega Oyetola as Minister of Transportation, and the placement of John Enoh as the Minister of Sports Development, among other appointments, only a Babalawo can divine what these ministers know about what they are being asked to do. Tinubu has taken a cue from the disaster that was President Buhari’s eight years at the helm in Nigeria, too dangerous and bordering on self-destruction for Nigeria to expect that ministers need not have any iota of knowledge about their assigned ministries.
Self-Appointed Minister of Petroleum
In the announcement of the portfolios of his ministers, one of Nigeria’s key ministries, the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, is missing. Although Heineken Lokpobiri has been appointed as the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, there is no substantive head for the ministry, hinting at Tinubu taking yet another leaf from Buhari’s playbook — the self-appointment as Minister of Petroleum Resources.
Nigerians need no reminder of how the ministry fared under the leadership of Buhari, whose self-appointment many thought would bring about the much-needed accountability and transparency in Nigeria’s oil-rich Ministry of Petroleum Resources. Against expectations, the ministry continued to suffer oil theft and vandalism with no end; the country experienced some of its worst periods of fuel scarcity; the refineries are still not functional; and there were no significant corruption-free gains in the ministry. Thus, Buhari failed as a minister, but Buhari could not fire Buhari.
If there is anything to learn, it is that the office of the President is Herculean enough; adding the portfolio of a tedious ministry like the Ministry of Petroleum Resources to the role of President cannot bode well, even with the appointment of a Minister of State for Petroleum Resources.
Duplicated Portfolio and Increasing Cost of Governance
Another textbook move from Buhari’s playbook has been the duplication of portfolios in Tinubu’s cabinet, specifically the appointment of ministers and ministers of state for certain ministries like the Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Petroleum Resources, and Ministry of Health, among others. For a president that has been cajoling and urging the citizens to endure the baby steps of pain, there have been no circumspect moves to cut the cost of governance. The duplication of portfolios will mean that each minister will appoint aides and staffers, thereby increasing the running cost of the Tinubu-led government.
The Nigerian Talkshow
Tinubu inherited a lot of woes from his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari. In my last pieces about the Nigerian elections and the newly elected President, I clearly stated problems that the President could expect to have and what the citizens will require of him in his earliest days in office. Those problems manifest themselves in the form of higher living costs, increasing inflation, and general hardship that has left citizens angrier and less tolerant.
Laudable as it is that the Tinubu-led government is making more efforts to communicate with and speak to the citizens than the Buhari government, one thing has been clear: they have made more promises than they have acted on. Of all the promises Tinubu made during his last national address, there has been no implementation, and the citizens continue to wallow in hardship. Tinubu deploys proverbs and idioms to maximum effect, and he will understand that if you tie down a goat, it is your business to give it cassava. His advisers should let him know that millions of Nigerians have become his goats, as he has tied them down, and he must look for food for them. Before you tax them, at least fatten them.
Decisions before Policies and Feasibility Frameworks
History will remember Buhari’s democratic years for the infamous border closure, cash redesign, and other unfavourable policies rolled out without proper frameworks to ensure that citizens are not at the receiving end of the negative effects of the policies. In borrowing from Buhari’s playbook, Tinubu has also made it a habit of his government to hastily roll out harsh policies, and if such policies are met with backlash, work on trying to backtrack and correct things. This is not how to govern.
Since his assumption of office, there have been policies and acts on the removal of fuel subsidies, the increase in electricity tariff, the increase in school fees for unity schools and federal universities, and introduction of a student loan scheme with stringent conditions.
Every time that the Tinubu government rolled out these policies and acts, they were met with outcries from citizens for their anti-masses tendencies. In reaction, Tinubu’s government has backtracked on many of the policies it hastily rolled out — removing the barriers to the student loan, planning to temporarily re-introduce fuel subsidy, nursing the idea of a paltry 8,000 naira/month/household palliative, and cancellation of the increase in electricity tariff. Mr. President, why would someone behead a person in public and hide the cutlass?
While it is laudable that the government seems to be active in taking feedback from the people’s outcry, it is better to think of establishing feasibility frameworks for every newly conceived policy rather than hastily rolling it out like a government running on a tight deadline to impress before being usurped. The Yoruba have a word for this behaviour: oponu.
Selective Manhunting
Muhammadu Buhari had the citizens’ goodwill because people thought of him as a no-nonsense General that would battle the country’s corruption and security issues. However, Nigerians would soon be shocked by the selective manhunting and incessant abuse of court injunctions that the Buhari-led government would introduce. The selective manhunting was so glaring during Buhari’s tenure that the saying, “To evade your corruption charges, join the APC,” became a popular joke among Nigerians.
Some months into his rule, Tinubu’s government is already showing signs of going that same way of selectively manhunting criminals and corrupt officials. Godwin Emefiele has been made the scapegoat, although he is not the only one complicit in the disastrous handling of the Central Bank of Nigeria. Abdulrasheed Bawa has also been made a scapegoat. Ironically, a convicted person and known accomplice of Nigeria’s most-corrupt Head of State (name withheld), who was indicted for laundering millions of dollars, sits on Tinubu’s cabinet as a Minister. There have also been allegations of corruption and misappropriation of funds against three ministers— all without receiving attention from the Tinubu government and the APC-controlled Senate.
Give Him Time
Last on the list of the convergence between the direction Tinubu’s rule is taking and the eight years Buhari spent in government is the unwavering loyalty of core supporters that will never see the signs on the wall or perhaps will see them but choose to ignore them. Buhari started this way, but for every bad policy he introduced and every bad move he made, they kept saying, “Give him time. It’s too early. You don’t expect him to start making positive changes just like that. Nigeria has been rotting for so long; repairing it will take time.” Taking the cue from the apologists and explainers, the Buhari-led government spent its first four years playing the blame game instead of working on the country. And at the end of those four years, there were still people that thought Buhari needed more time and should be given a second chance at governance.
Today, those people, or people like them, are back at it, asking Nigerians to give Tinubu time and repeating the same excuses given during the Buhari tenure. As the country continues to run like a directionless udder, they keep requesting more time for the President. Perhaps some Nigerians have also noticed this pattern that Tinubu’s earliest days in office share with Buhari’s tenure. And if patterns are anything to go by, it is not too early for Nigerians to worry and put their worries into action to pressure the government to be more cohesive and goal-driven in its deeds. As far as I am concerned, my hope has evaporated.
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By Leo Igwe
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW) is concerned over the reported arrest of two men accused of being ‘witchdoctors’ in Zambia. The arrest underscores the potency of witchcraft fears and the connection between occult anxieties and the country’s politics. These individuals were accused of trying to bewitch the Zambian president, Hakainde Hichilema. The police claimed that they had charms. They planned to use the charms to harm the president. The report says the two persons have been charged under Zambia’s Witchcraft Act. The Act criminalizes “possession of charms”, “professing knowledge of witchcraft”, and “cruelty to wild animals”. The police found the two with assorted charms, including a live chameleon.
This development is utterly embarrassing and shows that the Zambian government is slowly losing its focus and bearing.The country has many socio-economic challenges. Suspicion of bewitchment or possession of charms should be the least of its worries at this time. There should be no place for witchcraft and possession of charms in modern politics because there is no evidence for these beliefs and practices. Zambian authorities should not weaponize the Witchcraft Act or use it to justify this incident. Zambian law does not recognize witchcraft. Zambia’s Witchcraft Act criminalizes naming or imputing witchcraft. It prohibits accusing or threatening to accuse any person of being a witch or a wizard. In this case, it is the police who are breaking the law.
Otherwise, how did they know the two individuals were ‘witchdoctors’? Did these persons identify as witch doctors? If not, the police are liable because they named and imputed witchcraft and have to prove that these individuals have witch-doctoring powers. The police claimed to have charged these individuals for possessing “assorted charms”, including a chameleon. Really?
The police in Zambia have questions to answer: What are charms? How did they know that what was in their possession were charms, not pets? Is a chameleon a form of charm? What makes possession of a chameleon possession of a charm? When and how does a chameleon become a charm? The police need to answer these questions and more before one takes them seriously.
Again, did the individuals describe what was in possession as ‘charms’? If they did, does confessing or designating something as a charm make it a charm? And if they did not, the police are liable because they need to prove how those possessions translated into charms.
In addition, the police claimed that the duo wanted to bewitch the president. What does that mean? How did they know? Are the police not contravening a provision under the Witchcraft Act by professing knowledge of witchcraft? Can one harm another person using a chameleon? They claimed that the two persons wanted to use the charms in their possession, including the chameleon to harm the president. How did they know that? What is the evidence for that?
The Advocacy for Alleged Witches calls for an end to this state-sponsored witch hunt. There is no evidence of harm through witchcraft or charms. The Zambian government should desist from witchcraft- related infractions and violations including arbitrary arrest, and detention of innocent citizens. These allegations are baseless and absurd. The arrest was politically motivated. This development demonstrates that Zambian authorities are out of sync with their duty and obligation to uphold the rule of law and protect accused persons.
Zambian authorities need to act in compliance with the 2021 UN resolution, which urged states to take measures to combat abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks. End witchcraft allegations in Zambia. End witch hunts in Africa now!
Dr Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.
By Tony Afejuku
The other burning issue, apart from Farotimi and Babalola’s, which I wish to take a look at – and which I am taking a look at now – relates to what is happening in our capital territory. What is this burning issue – which our human rightists and civil society organisations and personages are surprisingly and un-satisfactorily not inclined to focus attention on and examine as they should? I may be wrong, but it surely seems to me that this issue, this burning issue, which is of more importance than Farotimi and Babalola’s – which has been given undue adulation – is deliberately being neglected and depreciated by proclaimers and heroes and heroines of human rights, justice, equity and equality of rights in your country my country our country. Why, why, why and why, why, why? Anyone who has any iota of patriotic sensibility, feeling and judgment well watered and buttressed by a very great influence upon his or her critical judgment will keep on asking the question I am asking.
Mr. Nyesom Wike, as almost everybody who can read and write a little knows, is the current minister of your, my and our Federal Capital Territory. His post or office is akin to that of a governor of a state. As the immediate past governor of Rivers State who was drafted, after his two terms there expired, to continue in the FCT as its new minister-governor or governor-minister under the auspices of a party he is not a true member of, Mr. Wike cannot but be seen as a lucky man. He is in every possible and impossible way. Minister-Governor Wike is a lucky man and a very fortunate one indeed. No former governor of Rivers State (or of any Nigerian state), as far as I know, has achieved what the famed political rouser of rabbles has achieved in one short gubernatorial life-time, and at a relatively young and fertile age. His dual achievement with and in two different political parties at this delicate point of Nigerian politics indicates to our politicians and us all that there is always time for a reminder that there are ready-made high rewards for arch-angels of betrayals. And Mr. Wike may go down in Rivers and Nigerian history as both an arch-angel and an emperor of betrayal of us all if we attempt to indicate what I have defined here as his dual achievement.
We can roughly divide, briefly, Wike’s political development into two periods. During the first, excluding his lower political positions before he became the governor of Rivers State, he quickly adapted his style to that of an emperor who became a rabble-rouser of rabble-rousers whose gubernatorial efficiency moved from stiffness to stiffness. He did not at any time feel that he needed suppleness to govern Rivers State. “Let the heavens fall if they must fall!” We are not there yet in this attempted analysis of the stiff-hearted and stiff-minded one. True? But he is already demonstrating this characteristic in Abuja. False? Judge and give the answer yourself.
Even after he left Rivers State a short while ago as governor, he is still trying to control happenings there to the political discomfiture of his hand-picked successor, his erstwhile “boy” and “son” – with whom he has fallen out. As the minister-governor or governor-minister of the FCT, Wike is occupied with the other taste of the emperor-juggernaut formulator – doing the work of two key political masters in one room and desk of political jugglery. Since his appearance in the FCT, minister-governor or governor-minister Wike has allegedly attempted to recover or transform for Abuja what is not traditionally or socially Abuja’s, for example, the city’s social idiom and landscape and terrain as well as its environs. In doing this he sometimes over-steps his bounds and mark of human/inhuman decency/indecency and psychological understanding of human nature, if you follow well what I am saying; he has so far become at best not really better than a typical pedestrian Nigerian lawyer and officer of political power: in his explorations so far in the Federal Capital Territory we have come to the realization, as T. S. Eliot would say, that “it is so often true that only by going too far can we find out how far we can go.” But one has to be a very negatively obstinate and self-serving emperor and a thorough-bred arch-angel of betrayal of the people and masses to justify such perilous and perfidious expeditions and adventures.
Last week, I saw on Arise Television “The Morning Show” Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the dutiful widow of the late Nigerian supreme patriot and soldier, Colonel Ogbebor (of Benin stock) battling, so to say, to wrest the legacy of her late husband from the tight grip of the adventurous FCT minister-governor who has registered his name and signature in the hearts and consciousness of the people as the depriver of their possessions. The three anchors of “The Morning Show” were in their respective ways splendid in their structures of remarks and questions to Chief (Mrs.) Rita Lori-Ogbebor whom I have had occasions in times past to call patriotically Rita A-K 47 on account of her natural right to fire her beautiful tongue at any person, usually an enemy, of just actions. When she made the case she made to protect the estate of Paulosa Nigeria Limited, her late husband’s aforesaid legacy in the FCT, she was in her natural territory, habitat and element where even at age eighty-four, she never ever loses her stability – although she unusually restrained herself in the Arise Television appearance. Dr. Reuben Abati, Rufai Oseni, and Ayo Mairo-Ese clearly explored seriously but delightfully the mind of the mother-hen of Warri – my other coinage and appellation I gave her in my poetry. Her “The Morning Show” appearance enabled me to see the poignant cry de profundis of the FCT inhabitants whose property and residences in different guises have been demolished. She did not say anything that was out of joint. She spoke and came out as a mother, protector and symbol of the people who have suffered – and are suffering – from the state of affliction and anguish Wike’s demolitions have placed – and are placing – the people.
Ojy Okpe in her delicious and delectable “What is Trending” slot on the same show, showed without exaggeration but with further elaboration what people in and outside Abuja/FCT think of the mighty Wike’s demolitions, a burning issue that the Senate has asked “Let Heaven Fall” minister-governor Wike to halt as the committee the Senate set up on the issue starts its work. Of course, we cannot but assume that Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as well as Mrs. Ireti Kingigbe, the senator representing the FCT in the Senate and other patriotic senators diligently did what they did on the floor of the Senate when the burning issue was tabled for debate with the gracious understanding and authorization of the Senate President.
I need to state further that the “The Morning Show” anchors did well and extremely so by giving the minister-governor the opportunity to air his anti-Paulosa story. His senior special assistant on public communication and social media, Mr. Olalere Olayinka, stood in for him. After he gave the reasons for the clamp-down, his responses to the questions the anchors put to him followed the usual pattern of denials by artificial men in power – denials that they always use to intimidate and betray the people. In fact, Mr. Olayinka’s ploy to ride easily over our dear Rufai Oseni, a wholesome representative of the deprived, that the chap (or is it guy?) and his boss always employ their colloquial speeches and remarks to dishonor, failed. Yes, the ploy failed woefully. In stanza after stanza of the exchanges between Mr. Olayinka and the Arise anchors, he deteriorated – and his deterioration was hall-marked when he unwittingly revealed that the Paulosa land had been acquired by his minister-governor’s close cohort, an act that was nothing short of gross abuse of power and authority.
Because the Senate is already using its authority, power and privilege to resolve the burning issue, hopefully, in a way that the late Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy and family will not be subjected to any kind of degradation, I will utter no more words for now. I trust, however, that the liberties the Senate is taking – or has taken – are for the sake of order to favour the down-trodden.
As for the minister-governor, the PDP emperor at large, here is an immortal quote from Marcus Aurelius, the magnificent and authentic Roman Emperor and philosopher (A.D. 121-180): “If it is not right, do not do it; if it is not true, do not say it.” You lose nothing by giving us a slice of your humanity by your right acts and correct words. Everything changes and passes. Be humane as a human being.
Afejuku can be reached via 08055213059.
By Leo Igwe
Recently, I facilitated a critical thinking workshop at the Bay Wreath Schools in Lagos. The theme was critical thinking and teacher development. As the theme stated, the workshop was on teaching, about teaching, and for teachers. It highlighted the pedagogical value of critical and reflective inquiry. The workshop exposed teachers to critical mental habits and skills. It emphasized how critical thinking would enhance expertise in the learning and delivery of subjects in classrooms.
I used the opportunity to discuss questionstorm as a method of teaching and learning. Questionstorm is a way that I operationalized critical thinking for primary and elementary schools. Questionstorm is the ability to interrogate all objects and materials. It is a habit of questioning ideas and experiences in all areas of human endeavor. Simply put, questionstorm is a question-driven inquiry. Children are naturally curious. They thirst for knowledge and understanding. Unfortunately, the school system kills children’s curiosity and dampens their interrogative appetite. The school system places much emphasis on rote learning and memorization. It makes the generation of answers not questions or problems the test of knowledge, and the determinant of intelligence. Teaching is largely a drudgery, a monotonous exercise, and a process of depositing knowledge on passive recipients, the students. Teaching entails dumping information on learners whose duty is to cram and reproduce during tests or examinations.
This teaching praxis has been criticized and blamed for the poor performance of students post-school (college and university) and their inability to think independently, creatively, and innovatively. Other teaching methods have tried to address these gaps and limitations. There have been suggestions to make teaching and instruction more active, and more student/learner/child-centered. One such method is the Montessori method. The Montessori method discourages grades and tests as ways of measuring achievement or determining intelligence and excellence. It emphasizes hands-on learning and the development of real-world skills. While the Montessori method stresses the practical approach to learning it says very little about the authoritarian teacher-to-student approach that is the mainstay of teaching and learning in classrooms. Teaching follows a pattern that leaves students and learners in the margins and unable to question and contribute to the learning process. Teachers present what is to be learned such as a text, and then generate questions that students respond or address to demonstrate knowledge of what has been taught. The student’s or learner’s main job is to answer questions, to look for or find answers or solutions. The teacher’s work is to get students to look for, and provide answers, and reproduce what they have been taught or told. But students are answer-depots. Students are not memory banks or reserves. They are active minds and thinking agents.
With questionstorm as a teaching method, the mode of instruction would change. Teaching becomes a cooperative endeavor that actively involves teachers and students. What is taught in the classroom is a collaborative note, not the teacher’s note, not a handout to students. Teachers present or generate texts or objects for learning, in response to intense questioning of the object or material by students, teachers provide information as required for that subject, topic, level, and time frame. No two instances of teaching – of the same topic or subject- are or should be the same because the input of students and teachers is not predetermined.
This is because of an overlooked principle in teaching and learning, that I call the “uncertainty principle”.
The uncertainty principle underlies questionstorm because knowledge is not fixed. Learning is a fluid process. All that is to be learned is uncertain, it is unknown and never determined. No teacher can say beforehand what is to be taught or learned because no one knows exactly the questions and answers or replies that would arise when a topic is presented or taught in a particular class. A topic or learning material elicits unique responses and exchanges that both teachers and students cannot exactly know or predict a priori, before the fact.
Teaching is a shared task and responsibility. Class notes are fluid materials. They are not texts cast on educational stones and delivered by teachers to students to copy, cut, and paste as is often the case. Class notes are not written or produced by teachers for students but by teachers with students. Teachers’ notes are incomplete and insufficient. They account only for a part, not a whole of the learning process and material. Students’ input completes and complements the teaching material and learning process. Thus every class note is unique because it is a product of a specific collaborative endeavor, a product of particular teaching and learning agents and circumstances that cannot be repeated or replicated.
Thus, as a teaching method, questionstorm is set to facilitate teacher development and improve the quality of instruction in schools. Questionstorm will help realize a paradigm shift in education and learning. I hope educators, teachers, and school managers will embrace this method of teaching and learning.
Dr Igwe directs the Critical Thinking Social Empowerment Foundation.
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