By Felix Oboagwina

Comrade, Congratulations ooo!

What’s up, Man? Why are you congratulating me? It’s not my birthday till September.

You should also tell me congratulations nevertheless!

I really need good news. What happened? Why are we exchanging congratulations?

Petrol price has dropped from four digits to three digits. Shame on doubting Thomases like you! Petrol is no longer N1,200; it is now N925.

Continue to be self-delusional! News flash: All petrol stations in this our neighbourhood are still displaying N1,045 per litre.

They will adjust their meters downwards, latest, tomorrow morning. Hooray!

Hooray kill you there! You know what is worrying you and most Nigerians?

Tell us o, Mister Doubting Thomas. What is “wronging” with us?

Stockholm Syndrome! You have been raped for so long that you have fallen in love with your rapist.

Asusu beke! Oyinbo! Mister Grammarian: Which one is Stockholm Syndrome? Let me Google it. Here it is: Stockholm Syndrome is a psychological theory that explains why hostages or victims may develop positive feelings towards their captors or abusers. This can lead to the victim defending or identifying with the captor, and may also include negative feelings towards authorities attempting to rescue them. The term originated from a 1973 bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden, where hostages developed an emotional bond with their captors instead of being hostile.

You Nigerians will celebrate a little gain from your oppressors when you have lost so, so much. Before your hero took over power on May 29, 2023, the price of petrol was N195. Then, someone opened his big mouth, waaaah, and said: SUBSIDY IS GONEYou! No strategy! No modus operandi! No incentive! No structure! Nothing! Before you could say JACK ROBINSON, predictably, the price reacted and fuel skyrocketed to N550 per litre. Today they sell for N1,045 minimum! Then these same Shylocks shave off less than N100 from that bogus price and you wave your tails like starving dogs handed a meatless bone.

What is wrong with celebrating what you call “little gains?”

By Toyin Falola

The reelection of Donald Trump and his return to the White House on January 20, 2025, have spurred debates regarding the consequences this new chapter in the leadership of the United States could have for the state of international relations. Although many analysts are focused on how this change in power would affect trade, security, and environmental policies in the United States, there is also a parallel discussion on the effects on developing continents like Africa. Not surprisingly, officials, academics, and global strategists from many African nations are beginning to examine how a Trump-led new government might either reinterpret long-standing ties, challenge diplomatic norms, or bring fresh accords that redefine present inter-relations.

Trump’s first term, marked by a foreign policy favoring bilateral treaties over multilateral ones, has already caused cautious expectations among African leaders to be aroused. For decades, many African nations have been fostering a range of security and economic ties to the United States, with many of these alliances undergoing recalibrations that did not always benefit the continent. Trump’s one-sided view of trade, framed by the “America First” notion, deviates from his predecessors’ traditional approach.

African governments have aggressively sought various foreign partners over the past decade to increase the range of commercial and financial investment portfolios. China, Russia, Turkey, and the European Union are among the significant forces leaving their traces over the continent. This broad spectrum of interests has contributed to a crowded field where African states engage in diplomatic balancing acts—sometimes using rivalry among international powers to secure favorable agreements. Following Donald Trump’s victory, there has been a lot of speculation on how the US government would either choose to intensify its rivalry with China in African nations or pursue selective cooperation to help offset Beijing’s influence.

The uniquely personal approach of the Trump administration, where public comments might overnight alter the tone of a relationship, accentuated this sense of unease. Africans who follow US politics recall remarks referring to various countries on the continent in less than favorable terms that sparked general indignation and questions about whether such rhetoric foretold a more general policy move away from previously friendly connections. Critics claimed it was ready to give more obvious headline issues elsewhere top priority over African challenges. Some African officials responded by deciding to increase their interactions with other partners. China invests significantly in African infrastructure and resource extraction and has been the most apparent gainer of this recalibration. Russia also became more visible, particularly in arms purchases and security training; Turkey and the Gulf countries expanded their commercial presence in specific areas. Analysts hope for consistency in that inclination for one-on-one deals over broad multilateral commitments as the Trump White House prepares to retake the front stage.

Initially low on Trump’s agenda, the African Growth and Opportunity Act—which provides duty-free access for a range of goods—is under increasing debate among experts about whether it might be subjected to fresh scrutiny or even a significant overhaul forcing African nations to renegotiate on more reciprocal terms. Few would dispute that such conversations might be intimidating for smaller nations lacking the same negotiating power as more developed governments.

Simultaneously, nations with more substantial industrial and resource bases could use this climate to draw attention and investment, hoping to find deals granting them privileged access to American markets. These debates generally center on how Washington may compromise between lowering its overseas obligations and meeting its desire to compete with China.

Although Sino-American competition is now a theater for Africa, Trump’s approach thus far has been to attack Beijing more directly rather than devoting significant funds to match Chinese investments in freeways, train lines, or industrial parks throughout the continent. Under Trump, Washington would choose focused projects that support specific American economic or security goals instead of massive infrastructure schemes, maybe emphasizing strategic minerals, oil reserves, or technologically driven sectors. African countries that find those industries needing finance, knowledge, or technology support can profit from this strategy. Still, whether the second Trump government will seek to create more appealing frameworks for African growth or try to limit Chinese entry is unclear.

The field of security cooperation generates particularly strong conjecture. While openly expressing an intention to lower the total military presence worldwide, the Pentagon did retain or even increase some operations against terrorist organizations like al-Shabaab in Somalia during Trump’s previous term.Increased drone strikes and special operations in various conflict areas sparked discussions on whether such tactics enhanced long-term stability or only served to limit threats for a given period. Though experts advise a closer mix of economic and humanitarian aid to solve the underlying causes of extremism, observers predict that the trend will continue. Some African leaders worry that a laser focus on military action could eclipse important initiatives aiming at social services, government reforms, and young employment.
In the middle of this global emphasis, several analysts advise African countries to create a collective strategy that clearly and succinctly outlines their objectives for the next four years and sets their priorities. Depending on the situation, this could mean improving already-existing treaties or rewriting them under fresh conditions needing more African negotiator involvement. Establishing closer cooperation with colleagues from non-Western nations could also help guard against the volatility emanating from Washington. Should the second term of President Trump go in unexpected directions or impose policies on trade and aid that African governments find objectionable, this kind of preparedness could help offer a margin of stability.

Critics warn that depending too much on ad hoc solutions would expose African governments to abrupt policy changes or budgetary constraints.
Besides, many African analysts believe that a Trump-led White House might inspire Africa to engage in more coordinated initiatives on issues including continental free trade, intra-African tourism, and industrial policy cooperation. These people believe that if African countries see a decline in funding or an unclear commitment from the United States government, it might encourage a stronger push towards self-sufficiency and a stronger integration of the continent. Though the African Union has been pushing for such objectives for a reasonable time, there have been cases when real growth lags behind the rhetoric. Competing national interests, a restricted budget, and ongoing conflicts between neighboring nations have all contributed to this. Still, some believe that a resurrected Trump government—known for its unpredictable behavior and limited approach to involvement—would ironically give African leaders the shock they need to express themselves more firmly in their quest for unification. They argue that a more unified Africa would give the continent a stronger voice in international debates and shield it from the outside shocks that could arise whenever a dominant partner changes its course of action or withdraws some advantages.

Those focusing on economic alliances believe Africa is at a crossroads. Rapid urbanization, a rising young population, and untapped innovation ecosystems throughout the continent present rich ground for investment in various industries, from technology enterprises to agribusiness. American-based companies have occasionally shown a will to seize these possibilities, especially in countries that have invested in dependable broadband infrastructure and offer legal frameworks supporting global collaboration.

The Trump administration’s attitude toward lowering foreign aid and emphasizing financial returns over broad-based development may cause investors to prioritize profitable sectors like mining or oil over essential investments in education or healthcare. Critics of such a selective approach worry that it could lead to temporary economic bubbles, mainly benefiting a tiny number of elites while leaving normal people behind. Some critics warn about this danger here. Conversely, many people think that Trump’s inclination for haggling over large sums of money could inspire him to search for high-impact initiatives with quick access to clear benefits.

Under the former government, President Trump sought symbolic achievements he could support as proof of effective negotiations on a sporadic basis. If there is an apparent political or financial gain, this approach could match Africa’s significant resources and the appeal of modernizing initiatives. Conversely, people worry that with local businesses playing a secondary role, these agreements might be significantly biased to benefit American companies. Under this situation, many experts are reminded of a time when African countries had to adopt development targets determined by donors and often made significant concessions in return for projects involving industry or infrastructure. There is hope that as African nations keep growing and enhancing their strategic planning, they will become more aggressive and search for alliances with generally positive effects. Utilizing the development of jobs, the dissemination of technology, or the application of local content requirements guaranteeing genuine involvement from African firms, they could try to acquire community buy-in.

Beyond these more general policy issues, the African diaspora in the United States has become a powerful economic and cultural link influencing African impressions of American political events. Diaspora groups engage in local businesses, send billions of dollars in remittances to their own countries, and frequently travel back and forth to foster economic relations and entrepreneurial activity. Should Trump’s immigration posture tighten, African professionals or students may find it more difficult to sustain these flows, and that disturbance might reverberate throughout fields like healthcare to education. However, if history is anything to go by, the diaspora has shown resiliency despite tight visa policies and has found other paths to stay actively involved with hometowns. Whether the incoming government will recognize the increasing impact of the diaspora or carry on measures some believe to be obstacles to complete integration is yet unknown.

In popular culture, Africa’s deep ties with the United States have created a vibrant exchange of music, film, and digital content. Afro-beat has found devoted fans worldwide, including in American cities. Hollywood, for its part, has begun paying more attention to African audiences and themes. This cultural interplay does not halt when a new president takes office, though it can shift. Creative collaboration may slow if visa restrictions tighten or specific cultural exchange programs lose official support. Yet social media platforms have proven immensely effective in bridging gaps, allowing African creators to reach American fans without extensive institutional backing. As a result, cultural links often flourish despite political differences, and everyday people continue to forge relationships that bypass formal channels.

Those who see international diplomacy from a more expansive perspective believe the competitive conflict between the US and China will always influence African leaders’ stance. Already transforming skylines, port cities, and industrial zones are ambitious infrastructure projects Beijing supports. Should the American administration deepen or hasten its geopolitical challenge to China, it might give African cities a chance to negotiate better terms. Some viewers who see a future in which Africa can use big power rivalry to guarantee infrastructure improvements, technological transfers, and increased trade channels find that prospect exciting. Others warn that depending too much on one side of a geopolitical conflict could backfire should world powers change their approach or achieve compromise among themselves, therefore marginalizing lesser participants.

In countries grappling with internal conflicts, there is an immediate question of whether American involvement will remain consistent. Some regions rely on steady injections of US humanitarian aid, delivered through partnerships with international organizations, to keep people fed and to support medical facilities in war-torn zones. Should the new Trump administration decide to reduce these humanitarian allocations, local communities may face devastating resource gaps.Non-governmental organizations would need to seek alternative funders or cut programs entirely, leaving displaced populations even more vulnerable. Although a few commentators expect that core humanitarian efforts will persist, especially in crises that capture global headlines, they acknowledge that budgets can be reallocated in unpredictable ways.

At the same time, confident African entrepreneurs and innovators have expressed hope that the United States might favor building private-sector bonds over traditional development assistance. They argue that a business-driven model, though competitive, could promote self-sufficiency and job creation. If American investors look to Africa’s technology hubs for robust returns, this might spur the growth of local ecosystems in fields such as financial technology, e-commerce, and agricultural innovations. Cities like Cape Town and Kigali have drawn international attention for their blooming startup scenes. A second Trump presidency that prizes deal-making might well funnel resources into such areas, especially if they align with emerging US economic interests. Much will depend on whether policymakers in Washington sense an opportunity to nurture the private sector in Africa as an engine of mutual prosperity or whether they decide to clamp down on areas they perceive as less essential.

The most critical concern for ordinary people monitoring daily policy changes is ensuring that agreements developed between Washington and African capitals do not compromise local voices. In areas of the continent that are still experiencing epidemics or underfunded educational institutions, civil society organizations expect uphill challenges over sustaining financing for health and education activities. Humanitarian supporters fear what will happen to refugee populations should the government tighten its international assistance policy. Concurrent with this is a clear will among grassroots activists and non-governmental groups to create more resilient paths by looking for alternative funders or advocating for African governments to protect essential services independent of foreign budgetary decisions.

Inspired by local accomplishments and an administration in Washington that responds to apparent successes, several observers anticipate that new patterns of cooperation may develop during these next few years. The American government will consider whether African entrepreneurs create vibrant technology clusters or regional economic blocs to show that their markets can manage more manufacturing. That will enable Africa to be regarded as a real partner for substantial, mutually beneficial economic projects instead of seeing just through the prism of charity or security support. Though past efforts at such a rebranding have encountered challenges, the convergence of Africa’s dynamic demography, digital development, and global awareness of its potential could generate the impetus needed even though this potential is tempered by the understanding that Trump’s policies might also hinder progress if they result in sudden limits on travel, if they remove essential money for development efforts, or if they reinforce unfavorable perceptions about the continent. Primarily, if harsh language is used once more in the discourse, this worst-case scenario could create an atmosphere of mistrust between the African public and the United States of America. The continent is keeping a close eye on the situation and is currently engaged in heated conversations over what the next four years will bring and the best way to react. Student organizations think tanks, corporate forums, and media outlets continue to get together to discuss, evaluate, and share new points of view on how to turn uncertainty into opportunity.

There is no definitive answer to the question of how to proceed. Africa is not a stage where larger nations merely act out their geopolitical moves; Africa has a lot of activity. There is a patchwork of countries that are resolute in pursuing a fairer share of global prosperity, and the future chapter in the presidency of the United States of America has the potential to either advance or hinder their aspirations. Even though African leaders and populations have developed since then and are now more equipped to deal with the unexpected, Trump’s second term will likely be almost identical to his first term regarding unforeseen twists and big announcements. If they successfully present their arguments within the halls of power and maintain their unwavering dedication to the community’s priorities, they may discover that even a turbulent administration can provide expansion opportunities. This option’s success is contingent on African states’ capacity to successfully coordinate their efforts, preserve social and political stability within their borders, and keep a watchful eye on the long game of ensuring sustained developmental growth.

As the dust settles on the presidential transition in the United States and attention switches to policy announcements from the White House, the ultimate decision regarding Trump’s reelection for Africa will be determined by what comes to fruition. It will interest observers to assess whether trade dialogues increase, whether or not security cooperation results in long-term peace rather than short bursts of activity, and whether or not cultural and educational linkages continue to exist despite any changes in regulatory policies.

When all is said and done, it will take some time to determine how the reinvigorated leadership of the United States under President Trump affects Africa’s march toward greater integration, stronger economies, and more resilient societies. On the other hand, Africa’s trajectory increasingly reflects its vitality and goals, and Washington’s role is simply one piece of the complex puzzle that is Africa’s overall trajectory. Because of this sense of agency, many people continue to have hope. Visionaries resolute in their pursuit to redefine their continent’s position in the international arena are the driving force behind Africa’s success, even in the face of global power maneuvers, local setbacks, or uncertain signals from a new administration. Africa is ready to be not just a beneficiary of decisions about foreign policy but also an influential player influencing worldwide trends. Their voices will shape the discourse as these next four years unfold, reminding the world that Africa is poised to be both receiving and shaping international trends.

Any individual who is committed to a global system that is more just and balanced will find this aim to be resonant. The countries that make up the continent should closely monitor the situation, express their opinions, and adjust as required. By acting in this manner, they are reinforcing the fact that the future of Africa is no longer solely dependent on the desires of a foreign superpower, and the stage is set for a new phase in which Africa and the United States will recalibrate their connections within a bigger and more complex global context. Although nothing can be assured, there is ample room for optimism.

Please join us for a panel discussion with our distinguished panelists, Professors Christopher Isike, Kingsley Makhubela, Ayisah Osori, and Carl LeVan, who will be sharing their expertise on “President Trump and Africa”:

Sunday, January 26, 2025
10 AM Austin // 5 PM Nigeria // 6 PM South Africa

. Falola is Extraordinary Professor of Political Science, University of Pretoria.