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Why Political Parties In Nigeria Should Be Reformed

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Dr Salihu Moh. Lukman

The Fourth Republic, which began on May 29, 1999 was received by most activists in Nigeria with contempt and outright denial. As a privileged leader of the prodemocracy movement in Nigeria, I recall with utmost regret how we refused to participate in the Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar transition programme that ushered in the Fourth Republic. Being a founding member of the Campaign for Democracy (CD), and a founding member of Democratic Alternative (DA), it is painful to recall how we rationalised our refusal to participate in the transition programme with the argument that ‘it is democracy without democrats’, ‘Abacha politicians have taken over’, etc.

Right from our university days in the 1980s, we committed ourselves to a radical transformation of Nigeria. We were oriented to be very critical as well as very receptive to criticisms. We were brutally honest to ourselves, which was responsible for why when some of our leaders in Lagos, including Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti and Mr. Femi Falana, in 1993, met with Gen. Oladipo Diya as part of their consultation to overthrow the Interim Government led by Chief Ernest Shonekan to bring in the Gen. Sani Abacha administration, we expressed our disapproval by breaking away from the CD to form the DA led by Mr. Alao Aka Bashorun. Mr. Olisa Agbakoba and Mrs. Ayo Obe were part of the breakaway leadership that formed the CD. Both are alive to confirm or refute this. Mr. Falana is also alive.

The period 1993 – 1999 was quite traumatic for all prodemocracy activists. Being arrested and held in SSS facilities across the country was very common. Going for meetings outside the country and travelling through footpaths across Nigerian borders defined that period. Funding our trips personally to meetings in Lagos and other parts of the country, travelling on night buses on popular ‘attachment’ was our reality. I was privileged to be working with Comrade Adams Oshiomhole at the time in the National Union of Textiles, Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria (NUTGTWN). Being my boss who was also committed to prodemocracy struggles, he gave me approvals to travel to prodemocracy meetings and on some few occasions supported me financially, including providing air ticket from Kaduna to Lagos to enable me to attend meetings, which were most times on Saturdays.

The reality was that we fought for democracy but having won it failed to show up to be part of the political actors in 1999. I recall with very deep regret how our leaders in Lagos, including Mr. Falana reported to us in some of our meetings how our respected Mr. Nelson Mandela, then as President of South Africa sent Mr. Thabo Mbeki to appeal to prodemocracy activists in Nigeria to participate in the transition programme in 1998 but was turned down. Again, Mr. Falana, Mr. Agbakoba and Mrs. Obe are all alive to confirm or refute this allegation.

The truth is that, as a person, I have spent the best part of my life campaigning for democracy. I have made sacrifices and am still making sacrifices in the hope that our children and future generation will have a nation that is governed democratically. I became an activist not because I wanted a job. If anything, I came from a family that was privileged to have a minister at the time. To be fair to him, he made every offer to me to make me abandon my activist orientation, but I declined. I remained committed to my belief and lived a life of an orphan, which enabled me to have all the love in the world so long as I accept everyone showing love to me as my parent. It is a very difficult task because it requires being able to stand by the truth, including being opposed to my parents when they go wrong.

This has remained my guide throughout my adult life. But it also imposes an obligation on me to keep my eyes open and always be ready to move on when I have completed any given task. Moving on necessarily challenges one to find new tasks and responsibilities. This was responsible for my exit out of NLC in October 2006. And it is responsible for my exit out of the APC leadership in July 2023. Having left both the NLC and the APC leadership, I remain committed to their values, which is about justice and equitable distribution of resources in society.

In the case of APC, it is a troubling reality. Here we are as a party, just coming out of an election and very lucky to have President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the leader of the party who was part of the prodemocracy struggle to bring an end to military rule in the country in 1999. My layperson’s , or innocent person’s expectation was that if under former President Muhammadu Buhari we were confused or unable to achieve the vision of making APC a truly progressive party, under President Asiwaju Tinubu, we should have no difficulty in achieving that. Somehow, it would appear politics has taken over everything and business-as-usual has become the orientation.

We are not and we will never abandon the campaign for democracy in Nigeria. Whatever is responsible for the current orientation can be surmounted and should be conquered. We will not degrade ourselves to becoming antagonists of our party and President Asiwaju Tinubu. We are confident that our party is blessed with leaders who are capable of initiating processes of reform to return our party to its founding vision of becoming a progressive party. We are also confident that President Asiwaju Tinubu is a committed democrat and truly a progressive politician. We were never wrong in our estimation that out of all the 23 leaders who aspired to become our presidential candidates for the 2023 general elections, he was best qualified.

Therefore, as party members and leaders we must continue to engage him to live up to all the promises we made to Nigerians since 2015. We must work hard and make all the necessary sacrifices to ensure that both President Asiwaju Tinubu and the APC succeed in moving Nigerian democracy forward. Moving Nigerian democracy forward is about promoting political competition in the country. A situation whereby few people have taken over our party, APC, and are doing everything possible to block internal competition within the party is unacceptable and should not be allowed to continue. This was, and still is, the problem of PDP. It was one of the fundamental issues APC promised to change in 2015, which won the support of Nigerians.

As Nigerian citizens committed to democracy, we must go back to the drawing board and begin the campaign to reform our political parties in Nigeria to guarantee internal political competition. It is only when internal political competition is achieved within political parties that wider national competition can be achieved. Once we fail to guarantee internal competition within parties, the current reality of excessive manipulation, through rigging of elections, vote buying, and other criminality would continue.

Since joining partisan politics in 2010, I committed myself to being different, which is quite challenging. I made up my mind that although access to elective and appointive positions will be quite advantageous, it will not prevent me from remaining in the vanguard for democracy in Nigeria. It is a big challenge. To achieve that I committed myself to using the only resource I have now, which is my little knowledge. I will continue to use it to mobilise for the reform of our parties to have democracy in Nigeria.

Since joining partisan politics, it has been my strength, through which I am able to produce five publications so far. In the last few years, application of my little knowledge to engage our leaders has projected me as a controversial personality, which I am not. Often, inability of our leaders to accept to engage issues creates the unhealthy impression of being antagonistic. This was the sad reality that created the rift between Comrade Adams and me. The inability to properly manage our disagreements with Comrade Adams and resolve them democratically led to all the challenges we had with the Caretaker Committee under the leadership of His Excellency Mai Mala Buni. The challenges we had with the Comrade Adams leadership of APC became a child play under the leadership of His Excellency Mai Mala. By the time our leadership with Sen. Abdullahi Adamu as Chairman was elected on March 26, 2022, the challenges became a joke. Sadly, this reality continues under the leadership of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

Having left the leadership of the party and being actively involved in all the contestations within the party leading to the emergence of President Asiwaju Tinubu, I decided to document some of the experiences, which are now contained in the publication APC and Transition Politics. Part of the motivation is also to clarify many of the allegations against me that I am against the leadership of President Asiwaju Tinubu. I must say very clearly, I disagreed with President Asiwaju Tinubu’s decision to nominate Dr. Ganduje as the National Chairman of APC but I respect and accept the fact that Dr. Ganduje is today the National Chairman. I also have strong concerns about the direction taken by the Federal Government under the leadership of President Asiwaju. Under the leadership of Asiwaju Tinubu, we have sadly produced an irritating political reality whereby the North-Central region is marginalised. My fear is that at the rate we are going, with all the lowly rating of former President Buhari, if care is not taken, he may turn out to be more progressive.

I wish I can have a better channel of direct communication to the President and leaders within the party. Unfortunately, with organs of the party frozen and leaders, especially President Asiwaju Tinubu becoming more and more inaccessible, one is left with no option but the available public channels. In spite of all that, I am confident that like we succeeded in bringing an end to military rule in the country, we will succeed in ending this madness whereby politicians reduce democracy to a game of manipulation.

Having succeeded in producing the publication, APC and Transition Politics, a public presentation is being scheduled to hold at 9.30 am Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Abuja on December 19, 2023. The Public Presentation is oriented to stimulate both reflections and consideration of what needs to be done to return APC to its founding vision of progressive politics. Both the publication and public presentation are not just about APC but about the future of democracy in Nigeria. The goal is to ensure that elected governments and leaders are accountable and responsive to the needs of citizens.

Given that APC is the ruling party, the obligation of setting the necessary democratic standards is squarely the responsibility of leaders of the party. Again, given that we are blessed with leaders who were responsible for all the success of both the merger of 2013 and the subsequent electoral victory of 2015, the public presentation will be guided by them. Chief Bisi Akande, who was the founding Chairman of the APC will be the Chairman of the public presentation. Chief Akande, without hesitation, wrote the foreword to the publication. The Keynote Address at the public presentation will be delivered by Hon. Olawale Oshun, the leader of Afenere Renewal Group. Sen. Ajibola S. Basiru, National Secretary of the APC will review the book.

Special guests on the occasion, include Sen. Kashim Shettima GCON, Vice President of the Federal Republic, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, APC National Chairman, Sen. Godswill Akpabio, Senate President, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, Speaker of House of Representatives, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun and Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, former APC National Chairmen, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice President and APC Presidential Aspirant, Chief Rotimi Amaechi, former Rivers State Governor and APC Presidential Aspirant, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, former Ekiti State Governor and APC Presidential Aspirant, Sen. Ibikunle Amosun, former Ogun State Governor and APC Presidential Aspirant, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, former PGF Chairman and APC Presidential Aspirant, Sen. Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, former PGF Chairman and APC Presidential Aspirant, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, former Governor of Kaduna State, Mal. Uba Sani, current Governor of Kaduna State and all serving Governors of APC.

The public presentation of the publication APC and Transition Politics will mark the commencement of structured public engagements aimed at ensuring that our parties are reformed to guarantee internal political competition, which is fundamental requirement for democracy. This is being initiated in line with the principle, which requires citizens to organise and not agonise. While acknowledging the wide gap that exists between expectations of Nigerians to have a democracy that permit political competition and the reality of having parties that are nothing but tools of manipulation in the hands of few politicians, rather than limiting ourselves to complains, it is important to set the stage for reflections to produce ideas for possible exploration. Just like the campaign for the merger of opposition parties started with reflections and exploration, we are confident that the reform of political parties can start with reflections and exploration.

 

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Opinion

Reading List For Public Servants And Reform Managers

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Prof. Tunji Olaopa

By Tunji Olaopa

Since its inauguration many decades ago, public administration has generated a permanent discursive framework that ensures that it has the theoretical and practical contents to sustain the professionalism and efficiency that the public service requires to complement the state everywhere. This becomes even more critical given that the democratic imperative keeps articulating and aggregating the significant political preferences of a citizenry that knows what it wants from a leadership and its administrative apparatuses. This therefore means that for public administration to fully and adequately complement the democratic imperative—for the public service to optimally aid democratic governance in any state—the public administrative discourse must always be in full swing to ensure it is not outstripped by the discourse on democracy.

This, I suspect, is not the real challenge. This is because the public administration discourse has remained fundamentally fecund in terms of its inner dynamics of responding to the challenges that confront public administration and the public service over the decades. From Max Weber to Woodrow Wilson, and from the new public management (NPM) to the new governance theory, public administration has kept up with the changing dynamics of the times that enables it to overcome critical hindrances and challenges from the first to the fourth industrial revolutions to the transformation of the nature of the state, and from artificial intelligences to the new normal instigated by the COVID-19 pandemic and the polycrises that have engulfed the world.

The real challenge, I think, derives from the capacity of public servants to keep up their intelligence quotient with the vast array of discourses that public administration throws up. The twenty-first century demands a public servant that is knowledgeable, intelligent, adaptable and a transformative leader with the preemptive capacity to articulate a vision, design a strategy and get things done. This challenge to the intelligent quotient of the public servant, like most issues, is again more crucial once we begin to speak about the postcolonial public servant caught within the dysfunctional grip of a postcolonial public service like Nigeria’s. This puts a double bind on such a public servant to do more in order to be able to live up to the national and global expectations of a twenty-first century public servant charged with the fundamental responsibility of crafting and implementing public policies with the tools of modern decision science.

One significant way, and a most difficult one at that, by which a postcolonial public servant and public manager in a country like Nigeria can keep abreast of the public administration discourse and the challenges of remaining effective sufficiently to man the new public service is to have an up-to-date reading list of books that embody the trajectories of the challenges, triumphs and directions of the public administration apparatuses, especially within a specific context. What I want to do within the limited space of this piece is to outline a few critical books that speak to how far public administration and the public service have advanced. And the methodology is to combine books that provide both global and national perspectives. This speaks to the necessity of inserting a public manager within a global-local context of operation that ensures that such a public manager can think globally and act locally with the discursive resources garnered from such critical intellectual and theoretical-practical resources.

The first book on my list is Zeger van der Wal’s The 21st Century Public Manager (2017). The book is fundamental because it is sufficiently situated in a time that captures the fundamental challenges of public administration in times of crisis (except that it is three years shy of one of the most fundamental challenges to humanity and public administration, the COVID-19 pandemic). However, the book recognizes that we live in a VUCA—volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—time; a VUCA environment that was aggravated by the pandemic and polycrisis the world, and public administration, are currently confronting. The author was motivated to write a book that demonstrates that “public administration matters.” It is a book that was “hands-on, actor-driven, and speaking to the daily life of public managers who often operate in tough circumstances.” And with the book, the author meant to “speak to (aspiring) public managers across the globe. A book that would take their issues, pains, and challenges but also their optimism, clever solutions, and coping mechanisms as a starting point…. A book, above all, that would take senior practitioners seriously by providing them with examples, perspectives, and strategies grounded in the latest research evidence and best practices while being accessible and actor-driven at the same time. A book, lastly, that would be relevant and timely to public managers in the developing as well as the developed world, in the West and the non-West.”

In chapter four, van der Wal enumerates what he calls the “seven clusters of demands, dilemmas and opportunities” that public managers need to think through to operate optimally within the VUCA administrative environment. The first demand is that of “managing stakeholder multiplicity.” The new governance space now carries the burden of a multitude of stakeholders with diverse and often ambiguous demands, attitudes and styles. The dilemma is how to design and deliver a coherent administrative and managerial vision to such a diverse audience. The opportunity however derives from the benefits of leveraging the unlimited channels and supports that come from such diverse audiences to push through policy goals. The second demand is “Managing authority turbulence.” This implies that an average public manager is caught within an authority matrix that limits her capacity to utilize her formal power to enact critical decisions. The dilemma for the public manager is that of how to demonstrate collaborative capacity, even with those lacking the requisite skills while still holding on to critical authority. And yet, there is the opportunity of shared accountability that comes from the collective ownership of policies and programmes. The third demand for the twenty-first century public manager is “managing the new work(force)”. The public manager is confronted with the changing nature of work itself, and with an emergent workforce that incorporates new workforce, new worldviews and new generations, from Gen Z to Generation Alpha. This new workforce consists of a young, educated, knowledgeable, tech-savvy and assertive citizenry with a mind of its own. The dilemma is that of how to accommodate this new idea of work(force) while pushing it efficiently to achieve service delivery. The opportunity comes from the ability to remove bureaucratic constraints while achieving performance and productivity.

The fourth demand is that of “managing innovation forces.” Innovation forces are the critical resources, especially innovative technologies, that a public manager requires to keep the public service system as optimal and efficient as possible. The challenge however is that of being as innovative and entrepreneurial as possible within the ambit of budgetary limitations and ambiguous expectations from the politicians and the public. The opportunity that faces the public manager is that of experimenting with newer and developing innovation to achieve effective policies. The fifth demand is “managing ethical complexities.” Public administration is now embroiled within a global ethical governance framework that is enhanced by digital technologies and the need for accountability and transparency. The public manager therefore faces pressure from politicians, citizens, global innovations, and so on. The challenge is that of how to manage the public service ethically while facing enormous scrutiny from multiple publics with competing value sets. The opportunity comes from leading ethically in ways that achieve bureaucratic legitimacy for the state. The sixth demand comes from “managing short versus long time horizons.” This situates the public manager within the need to respond to the need for short-term goals by politicians and long-term planning for overall institutional resilience. The opportunity is that of deploying scenario-building techniques and technologies to anticipate future challenges.

The last demand is “managing cross-sectoral collaboration.” This is demanded by the new governance space that involves new and multiple stakeholders and non-state actors. The public manager needs to mediate this space to achieve extensive buy-in and ownership of ideas and policies, generate financial assistances and expertise, and tap into innovative ideas. The dilemma is how to balance this partnership while managing trust and power relations.

In Reinventing Government: How the Entrepreneurial Spirit is Transforming the Public Sector (1992), David Osborne and Teed Gaebler make the critical case that government can follow the logic of performance that have transformed capitalist corporation into performing better and achieving more efficient productivity result. And to make government work more efficiently and productively, the authors argue that government needs to be reinvented through the sweeping away of all bureaucratic bottlenecks that had made government too cumbersome to achieve democratic governance. An entrepreneurial government, as they call it, envisions some broad social goals and objectives, put in place performance management systems that strategize about these objectives, and employ people to sign performance contract to achieve the goals.

Osborne and Gaebler envision the responsibility of government as that of steering and not rowing; government’s responsibility is not to deliver services, but to articulate strategies that will enable the service delivery function to be outsourced to private contractors. Reinventing Government follows up on the managerial revolution brought about by the new public management and the objective of making government more flexible, lean and effective for the sake of performance. It demands that the public manager must be more than a thermostatic administrator who is merely gauging the institutional temperature of the public service. She must be more of a leader; a manager who anticipates challenges and coaxes the public service into more entrepreneurial and innovative performances.

In the 2007 book, The End of Government…As We Know It: Making Public Policy Work, Elaine Kamarck takes on the thread of the need to rethink how government business should be pursued for better result. The end of government as we know it is the end of the idea of government circumscribed by a bureaucracy that encumbers government from performing. It is the end of the traditional Weberian framework of government and its deadweights of hierarchies and red tapes. In the post-bureaucratic state, argues Kamarck, government needs to get tools that will facilitate the right connection between policy design and implementation. These tools are categorized into three: reinvented government, government by network and government by market. All three are meant to get the public sector to work in ways that involve externalities and outsourcing modalities that enable government to achieve efficient performance.

In its 2011 publication, The Future of Government, the World Economic Forum provides more recent contents that sum up the institutional reform objective of bringing the idea of government up to the requirement of the twenty-first century. What the managerial revolution demands is that government must be FAST—flatter, agile, streamlined and tech-enabled. The traditional structure of the bureaucracy, being rigid, inward-looking and founded on outdated competencies, must be modernized in ways that make it more collaborative, transparent, flexible and participatory. In other words, government and its public service must reflect the demands articulated by van der Wal in The 21st Century Public Manager.

The key issue that links all the preceding publications is that of public value that the new public service must create as a response to citizens’ informed demands. This is the focus of Mark H. Moore’s Creating Public Value (1995). In the book, Moore “sets out a philosophy of public management—an idea of what we citizens should expect of public managers, the ethical responsibilities they assume in taking offices, and what constitutes virtue in the execution of their offices.” Within the new managerial imagination, the public manager is more than an administrator who is supposed to look downward in terms of “the reliable control of organizational operations; she is rather meant to look outwards “towards the achievements of valuable results” or upwards “towards renegotiated policy mandates.” A public manager therefore becomes an explorer who is concerned with discovering, defining and producing public value.

These preceding books and publications sum up the global dimension of the materials that ground the postcolonial public managers and the public servants, especially within the Nigerian public service system, within the demands of public administration as a universal endeavor concerned with what the government does and the paradigms, trajectories of discourses and methodologies by which government can become more efficient and more productive. However, this global managerial imagination must be reckoned within the context of the inherited public service system Britain bequeathed to Nigeria. In my inaugural lecture, Big Bad Bureaucracy: Reinventing the Bureaucracy as a New Public Service in Nigeria (2018), I took all these preceding books, as well as my many years as a critical insider in the dysfunctional public service system in Nigeria seriously. The publication therefore becomes a critical leeway into how the Nigerian civil service system, founded on the traditional Weberian institution, works in stimulating what I have called bureau-pathologies that have compromised the search for a workable developmental state in Nigeria, post-independence. And how an insider perspective could enable a proper understanding of what ails the system, what needed to be done and how to go about reinventing the government from an approach that is not just universal, like Osborne and Gaebler’s, or Kamarck’s or Moore’s; but one that is rooted in contextual administrative dynamics. This provides a situational context by which public managers in Nigeria could begin to relate to what these non-Nigerian administrative theorists are saying about the nature of government and the reinvented mandates of the public manager.

This therefore makes even more fundamental the administrative memoir as a cogent introduction to how Nigerian public managers and public servants navigated the dysfunctionality of the postcolonial system while striving for a more efficient and optimal public service that will instigate developmental planning and democratic governance. Two of such memoirs are crucial, in my reckoning: Chief Simeon Adebo’s Our Unforgettable Years (1984) and Tunji Olaopa’s The Unending Quest for Reform (2023). Simeon Adebo represents a critical administrative figure in the emergence and consolidation of the public service and public administration discourse in Nigeria. He was one of the founding pioneers that ushered in what has been called the golden age of public administration in Nigeria. Indeed, his administrative commitment in the old western region led to the formulation of the Awolowo-Adebo paradigm of the politics-administration dichotomy, one of the defining dichotomies around which public administration emerged. Adebo’s public service reform efforts constitute a key framework for rethinking the institutional rehabilitating and reinvention of the civil service system in Nigeria. On the other hand, The Unending Quest for Reform articulates a challenging reaction to the bureau-pathologies that ate up the civil service system after the pioneering efforts of Adebo and his cohorts unfortunately went into critical debilitation. The Unending Quest for Reform serves the function of outlining what I consider a philosophy of institutional reform founded on many years of not only participating in the dysfunction of the civil service system, but also researching its root causes and administrative and political trajectories from pre-independence to date.

I am recommending these books—of course there are more—as the first level of challenging the intellectual acumen of any public manager who is willing to place herself within the VUCA and postcolonial environments of the public service in Nigeria, and dare to be critical sufficiently to become a significant part of the reinvention of the new public service as a world-class institution for making democratic governance productive for Nigerians. It is best to end this reflection about public administration discourse and the books public servants could start reading with Pablo Neruda, the Chilean poet-diplomat and politician: “The books that help you most are those which make you think that most. The hardest way of learning is that of easy reading; but a great book that comes from a great thinker is a ship of thought, deep freighted with truth and beauty.”

. Olaopa, Professor of Public Administration, is the Chairman,
Federal Civil Service Commission,
Abuja.

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Opinion

Act Now To End Witchcraft Accusations And Ritual Attacks

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Witch Burning, Impunity And Abuses Linked to Witchcraft Beliefs In Benue State
Dr Leo Igwe
Dear Sirs/Madams,
This is an open letter to you, Emeritus Professors, Professors, Senior and junior lecturers, deans of faculties, heads of departments, and school teachers. I am writing because I feel heartbroken, disappointed, and betrayed. I write you because I believe, as educators, we are failing in our duty and obligation. I am writing to draw your attention to a disturbing and dangerous trend in our country: witchcraft accusations and ritual attacks. These practices are an ill wind that blows nobody any good. I urge you all to get involved in addressing this menace, campaigning against these harmful practices, and educating and enlightening the public. As you may have noticed, recently, our society has been witnessing a growing wave of attacks and killings linked to witchcraft accusations and ritual attacks. The situation is getting out of hand.
There have been rampant cases of abuse, savage acts, murder of suspected witches, and horrific killing of other human beings by ritualists. Men and women, youths and adults, children and elderly persons have been victims. The perpetrators have mainly been youths. These revulsive acts are motivated by misconceptions about nature and how nature works, by irrational and superstitious beliefs about causes of illnesses, death, and other misfortunes. These barbaric killings are motivated by mistaken ideas about wealth and riches, about how to make money or become successful. Witch hunting and ritual attacks persist because many people are deluded and have refused to confront and combat their delusions and superstitions. Witch hunting persists because many people believe strongly that human beings can turn into birds and cats, that human beings can harm others, and cause accidents and death through spiritual, magical, or supernatural means. These are nonsensical ideas, aren’t they? Ritual attacks take place in our society because many people believe in the potency and efficacy of ritual sacrifice of humans and animals. A notion that is outright hogwash!
Distinguished colleagues, you would agree with me that witch-hunting and ritual attacks persist due to the failure of our schools and teachers to educate and reorient the minds of our students, youths, and other members of society. We must admit that we have failed in our duty as educators and enlighteners of students and society. But we can rectify this failure, fix this problem, and combat the menace of witch hunts. Unfortunately, many lecturers and teachers hold and enable these superstitious beliefs. They reinforce these misconceptions in the minds of their students. Many lecturers are witch hunters; they are witchcraft imputing and exorcising pastors/imams or members of witch-hunting churches/mosques and shrines. Many teachers believe in ritual money, engage in ritual sacrifice, or sanction ritual beliefs and practices. They defend witch hunting and ritual sacrifice of humans and animals as a part of African culture. As intellectuals, we are complicit in this social menace. And our complicity constitutes a betrayal of intellectual and moral trust.
So, I urge you to have a change of heart and mind because our society is smoldering away due to superstitious nonsense. As intellectuals in a country like Nigeria, you are the people’s last and best hope. I urge you all to step forward and provide the intellectual and moral leadership that the situation urgently requires and help get our society out of this mess and danger.
There are two ways you can do this. First, before every lecture or class, remind your students that no one can harm or kill them through spiritual and supernatural means. Tell them nobody turns into a bird and flies out at night to harm others. Tell them that ritual money is fiction and has no basis in reason or reality. Second, liaise with the Advocacy for Alleged Witches to organize a seminar or a debate on witchcraft and ritual beliefs in your institution. Create opportunities for your students to discuss, challenge, and interrogate witchcraft and ritual narratives, exchange ideas, and share experiences.
Please, let’s begin to push back. Let’s start reorienting our students and youths for a better tomorrow.
Treat as urgent
Sincerely
Leo Igwe Ph.D (Bayreuth), Director, Advocacy for Alleged Witches, Affiliate Researcher, Institute of African and Diaspora Studies, University of Lagos. Research fellow, Institute for Policy Research and Integration in Africa, Freetown, Sierra Leone.
Tel 08130593605

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Opinion

Ritual Killings: Resurgence And Need For Urgent Action In Nigeria

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Dooyum Dominic Ingye

By Dooyum Dominic Ingye

Before the end of last year, I watched several video clips on TikTok in which some Nigerian youths boasted about engaging in money rituals to get rich. I vividly remember a video showing several young people gathered in the home of a traditional priest for consultation on money rituals. Furthermore, the internet was flooded with videos of young Nigerians declaring, “As 2024 no work for me, na rituals we go do for 2025.” These were disturbing signs of the events that would later define 2025.

Due to the number of ritual killings recorded in 2025, Nigeria’s House of Representatives urged the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency. This was partly in response to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which indicated that over 150 ritual killing cases linked to young people seeking quick wealth had been recorded in the six months leading up to January 2025. Many of these cases occurred in the western part of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory.

For those wondering, ritual killings have always been practiced in Nigeria—from the Ogbuefi and Otu-Edo ritual killings in pre-colonial times to the Otokoto ritual killings in post-independence Nigeria. In 1910, British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford documented various ritual killings in Southern Nigeria. Essentially, where superstitious traditional beliefs held sway, ritual killings were practised.

Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most ritual killings were performed for so-called traditional religious purposes. However, contemporary Nigeria is characterized by exploitative ritual killings driven by superstition, greed, and power. Vulnerable people—such as women, children, and the elderly—are the primary targets.

Many youths who engage in money rituals today likely grew up in the early 1990s and 2000s, a period when Nollywood movies and the media romanticized or sensationalized money rituals. Films such as Living in Bondage (1992), Circle of Doom (1993), Idejimba (1995), Blood Money (1997), Rituals (1997), and Last Burial (2000) effectively promoted ritual themes that not only evoked strong catharsis in viewers but also solidified their belief in rituals and other superstitious nonsense.

During this period, Nigerians were still reeling from the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program, which caused widespread hardship and suffering. Many saw these movies as validation of the effectiveness of rituals, believing that they could be used to escape poverty. These fictional narratives became ingrained in the minds of children who grew up admiring actors such as Kanayo O. Kanayo, Clem Ohameze, Kenneth Okonkwo, Pete Edochie, and others as classic examples of the success of rituals. They aspired to become like the fictional characters these actors played.

Similarly, the release of Isakaba in 2001 actively promoted the belief in magical powers, particularly Odeshi—the belief that certain charms can make the human body impervious to bullets and machetes. Isakaba depicted a society plagued by crime, where the policing system had failed. The introduction of the Isakaba Boys, who possessed magical powers to apprehend and kill criminals, was portrayed as a welcome solution.

The impact of this movie was profound: it resonated with Nigerians’ real-life experiences, and many wished for a real-life Isakaba to deal with criminals. As a result, many Nigerians grew up believing that certain rituals could make them invincible.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s weak law enforcement system has allowed ritualists to operate freely. Corruption and lack of consequences have emboldened those who engage in money rituals, as they see no one willing or able to stop or prosecute them.

Coupled with increased economic hardship—especially in the last two years—and social media pressure, many young people have been driven to kill others for ritual purposes. In a country where wealth is glorified without question, where education lacks critical thinking, and where social values are eroded, the belief that human body parts can be used to attain wealth or power reigns supreme.

These beliefs have led to the deaths of many young Nigerians with promising futures.

For instance, in January 2025 in Ogun State, four teenagers were arrested for the murder of 20-year-old Sofiat Kehinde. They allegedly decapitated her and burned her head, intending to use it in a money-making ritual. In Ushata village, Nasarawa State, a suspect was arrested for allegedly killing his friend’s seven-year-old son for ritual purposes. The arrest followed a report by the boy’s father regarding his son’s disappearance. In Kwara State, Ismaila Saliu, a 25-year-old herbalist, and an accomplice were arrested by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps for allegedly murdering Saliu’s 14-year-old brother for a money ritual. Reports indicate that he conspired with another herbalist and an accomplice to commit the act. In Abeokuta last month, Taiwo Yemitan was arrested by the Ogun State Police Command for possessing a fresh human head and dismembered body parts of a female victim. Last year, in Isua Akoko, Ondo State, Yusuf Adinohi was apprehended for allegedly possessing eight human skulls.

These killings have created fear and paranoia in communities. Feelings of trust and friendship have been completely eroded. Women and girls, who are often the victims, increasingly see men as dangerous predators. Worse still, ritual killings are now so rampant that ritualists kill their own wives and children, believing that sacrificing their loved ones will bring them wealth. The most sought-after human body parts for rituals include private parts, eyes, breasts, hearts, heads, tongues, and hands.

To address these issues, the government, as the major stakeholder, must take a decisive action by creating jobs and youth empowerment programmes to reduce desperation for quick wealth. There is a need to introduce stricter punishments for ritual-related crimes to deter offenders and to sponsor national awareness campaigns that educate Nigerians on the dangers of ritual killings. It is also necessary to address misconceptions around wealth and superstition by partnering with organizations such as the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), which has spent the last four years addressing witchcraft accusations and ritual killings in Nigeria.

This year, AfAW launched the “Stop Witchcraft Accusations and Ritual Killings” campaign to tackle witch hunts and ritual killings by teenagers. Now is the right time for the government to support AfAW and end this menace once and for all.

Dooyum Dominic Ingye is the Program Manager of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

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